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PROCEEDINGS OF THE
DUTCH ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
VOLUMES XXXVI-XXXVII (2004-2005)
Editors:
J.P. Stronk and M.D. de Weerd
2006
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SUPPLEMENTUM PONTICUM 1-3
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TALANTA XXXVI-XXXVII (2004-2005)
ETHNIC IDENTITY IN THE WESTERN BLACK SEA AREA
The cases of Histria, Kallatis and Apollonia Pontika
(7th – 4/3rd centuries BC)
(Supplementum Ponticum 1)
Lieve Donnellan
Introduction
The present study is to some extent a summary of the results of research
undertaken to obtain the degree of master in archaeology at the University of
Ghent, Belgium. Goals of the thesis are twofold: theoretical (definition of ethnicity and research methods) and practical (three necropoleis situated in the
north-western Black Sea area selected as subject for analysis). As in most
studies, limitations in time and literature available had to be taken into
account: for the theoretical parts concerning ethnicity only a selection of the
most important studies in (classical-Greek) archaeology have been included;
research on the ethnicity of Greek colonies of South-Italy and Sicily has not
been considered here in depth.
Some publications have been translated from Bulgarian and Rumanian by students residing in Ghent in different academic exchange programs. The typology of the graves of the period in question which have been discussed in the
translated texts will be considered in some length here to enable those with
limited knowledge of eastern-European languages to get informed on the matter. An overview of the content of the graves discussed in the translated texts
is also to be found in the Appendix. The number of images copied from the
original reports has been kept limited in favour of an outline of the typology
and content of the graves.
Although scholars have studied different groups who inhabited the ancient
Greek world, theoretical assumptions concerning the definition and research
of ethnicity in Greek archaeology are very often explored in a limited way
only; terminology is sometimes wrongly applied, resulting in false suppositions concerning the character and ethnic identity of those groups.
Traditionally, in the view of western scholarship, local populations were seen
as barbarian, primitive and underdeveloped1, whereas Black Sea archaeolo1
For example the widely known work of J. Boardman, Boardman 1999, has been criticized
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gists seem to have been more conscious about a co-existence of Greek and
local populations in the colonies around the Black Sea. In spite of this
acknowledgement, in theoretical thinking the so-called primordial model
(ethnicity as an inevitable quality) has always been strong in Soviet archaeology; recent research however has pointed to the feasible character of ethnic
identity, and has stressed that biological race and ethnicity, a social identity,
are not the same2. Strict divisions made between Greeks and non-Greeks, as
very often occurred in past research, are therefore simplistic, and have little
sympathy with the functioning of ethnic identity in a society. Sometimes modern nationalism or ideology got interwoven with the subject of research, blurring the complexity which a scientific work should be trying to present3. A
more nuanced image will contribute to a better understanding of ancient societies, ethnic identity(-ies), and their interaction.
1.
Ethnicity
1.1. Defining ethnicity
Since the early 19th century the study of ethnicity has been a theme of interest in Classics (Jones 1997, 15-26; Siapkas 2003, 1, 46-49). As nationalism
has been an important factor of 19th and 20th century life, its influence on the
formation of theoretical conceptions of societies, both modern and ancient,
and their ethnicity was likewise. The primary role of ethnicity and ethnic identity today and its study in modern conflicts is a matter of common knowledge4.
The world had been understood in terms of a mosaic of peoples and nations,
boundaries being clearly defined and characterising traits, such as language,
territory, culture, etc., remaining static and unchangeable. After Word War II
these theories had been severely subdued by criticisms, from within and outside archaeology. In spite of the criticism, the outstripped ideas remained in
use and were provided with new terminology, such as the concept of primordialism which has been developed in anthropology in the 1950s to provide a
terminology to describe some qualities of kinship ties. The kinship ties, following the primordial theories, are acquired involuntary and possess a degree
of compulsiveness (Jones 1997, 65). Later, the term primordiality was also
as to its mechanism and interpretative framework by Van Dommelen 1997, 307 and Crielaard
2000, 499.
2
On ethnicity in Soviet archaeology: Siapkas 2003, 44; Jones/Graves-Brown 1996, 8-9. An
example of the post-World War II approach is: Nicolaescu-Plops,or 1959.
3
For examples: Delev 1993; Stoian 1972. There are however many more known cases of
interweaving, see: Hodder 1986, 157-159; Jones/Graves-Brown 1996, 2-4 and 18-19; Just
1998, 278; Meskell 2001, 190; Siapkas 2003, 1-5.
4
Recent use and abuse of ethnicity and archaeology are discussed in: Hodder 1986, 159;
Jones/Graves-Brown 1996, with further references; different contributors in: Jones/GravesBrown/Gamble 1996; Jones 1997, 1-12; Renfrew/Bahn 2000, 533-537; Meskell 2001, 189190, with further references, Siapkas, 2003, esp. 2 n. 2, 4-5.
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used to describe power relations and the appearance of ethnic identity.
Following the primordial perspective in respect to ethnicity, group identity is
being obtained through birth; this group identity includes a name (an individual and a group name), a history, an origin of the group, a nationality, language, religion, and a system of values. Until recently different studies in this
tradition in archaeology were executed5. Following modern notions the primordial perspective is said to be characterised by a simplistic correlation
between material culture and ethnic identity.
In the anthropology of the 1970s and 1980s a shift in the conceptualisation of
ethnicity had taken place, whereby the primordial notions of ethnic identity
had been rejected in favour of the ideas of the so-called instrumental perspective6. Ethnic identity was considered a strategy of individuals and interest
groups in order to obtain political or economic goals. The ethnic group would
have no formal organisation, and would use cultural practices and ideas e.g.
kinship, ritual, ceremonies, etc… actively and consciously. It is this active use
of culture which would constitute the ethnic identity, and it would be used to
improve social and political conditions; therefore ethnic identity was seen as
dynamic. The analysis of ethnicity had been carried out by means of analysing
cultural traits which were seen as symbols of that specific ethnic identity.
Instrumentalism, criticizing primordialism for its romanticizing and mystification of ethnic identity whereby individuals were seen as passive transmitters of cultural traits which, unwillingly and acquired from birth on, constitute
one’s ethnic identity; this analysis, however, was itself criticized for the reductional way of explanation, seeing some contexts as universal7.
How one should define ethnic identity is being debated even today. It has been
said it’s even easier to say what ethnic identity is not than what it is (Morgan
2001, 76). Elsewhere it was argued that it is useless to define an objective set
of criteria of ethnic identity because “ethnic identity is socially constructed
and subjectively perceived” (Hall 1997, 19). Former definitions of ethnicity
have commonly been based on elements of language, genetics and religion,
but none of these, as had been pointed out by the instrumentalists, are exclusively bound to one specific ethnic group8. Using the concepts developed by
5
Jones 1997, 66; Malkin 2001, 15-16; Siapkas 2003, 46-60. Examples of recent studies
with primordial notions are to be found in the work of C. Renfrew according to Siapkas 2003,
53-58. More recently L. Meskell described ethnicity as an aspect of our identity which is
obtained from the beginning (birth): Meskell 2001, 188-189.
6
The instrumental perspective in anthropology has been discussed in: Jones 1996, 66-67;
Jones 1997, 72-79; Hall 1997, 17-19; Siapkas 2003, 175-188; Malkin 2001, 1 and 15-19;
Konstan 2001, 30; Lomas 2004, 1-2.
7
For critics concerning primordialism see: Jones 1997, 68-69, repeated in: Siapkas 2003,
45. For critics concerning instrumentalism see: Jones 1997, 76-78; Hall 1997, 17-19 and
Siapkas 2003, 186-187.
8
For the research in the fields of language, genetics and religion: Hall 1997, 19-24 and 143-180.
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the anthropologist Horowitz, Jonathan Hall has been arguing that the three
fields (language, genetics and religion) may actually play an important role in
the definition of an ethnic identity, but are not mutually bound to it. In short,
J. Hall has been using Horowitz’s concepts, criteria and indices of ethnicity
in order to describe the phenomenon of ethnicity. Both concepts, criteria and
indices, differ from each other; criteria are seen as “the definitional set of
attributes by which membership in an ethnic group is ultimately determined”
and indices as “the operational set of distinguishing attributes which people
tend to associate with particular ethnic groups once the criteria have been
established” (Hall 1997, 20-21). Genetics, language and religion may operate
as indices of ethnic identity according to J. Hall, but are, as criteria, socially
constructed symbols.
An ethnic group is thus not a biological but a social group, whereby the conceptual and ascriptive boundaries are defined by membership of a group connecting itself with a specific territory and a common myth of descent. The territory may be real or imagined. J. Hall has also stressed the important but subtle distinction between the determination of one’s identity by birth and a justification of identity by referring to descent. Usually one assumes the ethnic
identity of the family in which one is born, but as many examples demonstrate, one can change one’s ethnic identity. Following the instrumental view,
J. Hall has stated that ethnic groups come into being according to various
political and economic interests. He has mentioned exclusion in the access to
resources, migration and social status as factors of ethnogenesis and stressed
the dynamic character and highly effective adaptive strategies of the ethnic
groups. The boundaries of ethnic groups are penetrable and groups can be
subject to assimilation and differentiation (Hall 1997, 24-33). J. Hall, a historian, has expressed the belief that potentially artefacts can be used for the
expression of ethnic identity, but, because of the plurality of their meanings,
the best results in the field of archaeology should be obtained by combining
research in different fields of archaeological records. Since the construction of
ethnic identity is aggregative, Hall has argued that written sources are the
most important for the study of ethnicity and thus one can not study ethnicity
in societies which left no written record9.
In the same period as J. Hall’s initial study of ethnicity in Classics, also another publication on the topic was published. Sian Jones’ study, comprehensively theoretical but limited in its application to the Romanization of Great
Britain, tried to overcome the oppositions between “objectivist” and “subjectivist” definitions which can be found in the so-called primordial and instru-
9
Hall 1997, 2, 135-136; Hall 2002, 24; Hall 1998a. Critics on Hall’s approach in: Jones
1998, 271-273; Morris 1998b, 269-270.
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mental perspectives10. Adopting a processual approach to ethnicity S. Jones
used Bourdieu’s theory of practice, the description of habitus and related
anthropological theories11. S. Jones described Bourdieu’s concept of habitus as
being “… made up of durable dispositions towards certain perceptions and
practices … which become part of an individual’s sense of self at an early age,
and which can be transposed from one context to another” (Jones 1997, 88).
Extrapolating these theoretical principles to provide a grounding for these ethnic subjectivity, ethnicity is said to be essentially the consciousness of difference vis-à-vis others. The manifestations of ethnicity are the product of an
ongoing process, the correspondence between the representation of a particular ethnic identity and the cultural practices and historical experience of the
people involved fluctuating (Jones 1996, 67; Jones 1997, 94-97). According
to Jones “ethnicity is a multidimensional phenomenon constituted in different
ways in different social domains; representations of ethnicity involve the
dialectical oppositions of situationally relevant cultural practices and historical experiences associated with different cultural traditions, consequently
there is rarely a one-to-one relationship between representations of ethnicity
and an entire range of cultural practices and social conditions associated with
a particular group” (Jones 1997, 100). Material culture may be or may not be
used to express ethnicity, but material culture is always polysemous, its meanings are not fixed and differ depending on the social context and social agents
involved. Moreover, it is stated material culture structures, as it is being structured, by the legitimation of social relations and activities, and all material
culture is involved in the active process of social production, reproduction and
transformation12. Certain aspects of material culture may thus become
involved in the self-conscious signification of identity, and the justification
and negotiation of ethnic relations. Some forms and styles of material culture
can as such be used in this process while other forms and styles may be found
to be cross-cutting ethnic boundaries. The cultural forms chosen to express
ethnicity are not arbitrary, but linked to the habitus.
In order to gain insight in the reflection of the expression of ethnic differences
in the material cultural assemblage, it is necessary, following Jones, to understand the past cultural contexts through a variety of sources and classes of data,
and the past social organisation by adopting a contextual and historical
approach. Such an approach should imply a distinction from the traditional artifactual publications (limited to pottery, metalwork, etc…) in which subtilties in
10
Jones 1996, 67-68; Jones 1997, 87-88. For the objectivist and subjectivist definitions of
ethnicity: Jones 1997, 56-57. For critics on Jones’ approach: Emberling 1999, 126; Duke 1998,
120.
11
Jones 1997, 79-88. For an outline of Bourdieu’s theory of practice: Jones 1997, 88-90.
For practice theory and ethnicity in general: Jones 1997, 90-100. A history, theory and use of
the theory of practice and the habitus in: Dobres/Robb 2000.
12
Jones 1997, 118-119. Compare: Hodder 1982, 7 and Hodder 1990.
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dating and distribution are lost because of the absence of the contexts (Jones
1996, 70-73; Jones 1997, 119-131).
Another modern scholar of ethnicity in Greek archaeology, J. Siapkas, has
also acknowledged the high level of complexity reached with the introduction
of theories of practice in archaeological studies of ethnicity. According to
Siapkas, attention was being paid to the ways in which people understand ethnic identity, how and why it was constituted that way (Siapkas 2003, 31).
Siapkas’ work was strongly influenced by the ideas of Michel de Certeau
(1925-1986), who had developed a critique of history. De Certeau is considered an historian but he was also active in the fields of theology, anthropology, literary theory, cultural criticism and studies of contemporary daily life
(Siapkas 2003, 19-20). De Certeau has been placed in the heterological tradition – opposite to the hegemonic – because of the way he emphasized the contemporary social context of the moment of production of the “truth”. The
dichotomy between past and present is being seen as dogmatic; the aim of
heterologous ethnographic writing should therefore be the creation of a distance to tradition, according to Siapkas. In order to describe practice, de Certeau often had been placing a phenomenon between two (opposed) analytical
concepts, whereby the phenomenon which was being described should not be
exclusively understood in terms of one of those concepts, but as oscillating
between them. Following de Certeau’s thinking, Siapkas wanted to focus on
the limitations of the scholarly representations of the past, his interest being
the ethnic identity in Messenia. Following the oscillating concepts of de
Certeau, he placed former conceptualizations of the Messenian ethnic identity between two theoretical “poles”, the primordial and the instrumental perspectives (Siapkas 2003, 30-31). Adopting a diachronic scheme (from the
times of the “Doric” invasion to the Hellenistic periods) Siapkas divided earlier studies of Messenian identity into two groups according to the shortcomings of their research tradition (primordial or instrumental). Siapkas explicitly avoided any definition of ethnicity13.
1.2. Greek ethnicity
Although there does not seem to exist any consensus at all concerning the definition of and method for the analysis of ethnicity, ancient or modern, there
have been numerous attempts to describe Greek ethnic identity. Usually a definition or considerations of the underlying theoretical assumptions of the phenomenon researched are absent. The question “who is Greek” has changed
constantly during the past three millennia and the differential use of the name
can be seen as an indication of the variety of perspectives involved in the con-
13
194
See on defining ethnicity: Siapkas 2003, 13-19.
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ceptualization of Greek ethnicity14: the name Ahhiyawa, known from Hittite
texts, Yaunā, known from Assyrian texts and the name Graikoi, possibly via
Epirus, came into use15.
The names Hellas and Hellenes appeared relatively late in the ancient texts,
the first use in ancient texts is reported to have been connected with a specific territory, the Sperkheios-valley in Thessalia. The extension of Hellas would
have been related to the extension of the membership to the Amfiktyony, who
administered the sanctuary of Delphi16. Jonathan Hall has put forward a link,
too, between the new conception of this territory, its implication of an ethnic
strategy and the selection of the participants of the Olympic Games: participation was limited to those who were able to demonstrate their hellenic affiliation by language, origin and descent. The Olympic Games were thus an
important occasion to shape ethnic identities. The groups taking part in the
Games had also constituted the elite in the Archaic periods, the contexts
where ethnic identities were formed are thus not to be sought between geographically removed people, but between elite groups in the Greek world
(Hall 2002, 153-154, 164).
Hall has also claimed the existence of self-conscious “sub-hellenic” groups,
such as the Dorians, Ionians, Aiolians and Akhaians prior to a unitary subscription of Hellenic descent or a common Hellenic consciousness (Hall 2002,
56). Based on the analysis of references in ancient sources pointing to different myths of origin, Hall has concluded that the different identity groups arose
during the 8th and 7th centuries BC, instead of being remnants of an earlier
migratory period ca. 1200 BC17.
The Hellenic genealogy has been considered by Hall as one of the most
important genealogical traditions (Fig.1). It was reconstructed from two fragments of a poem attributed to Hesiodos, the Ehoiai or Catalogue of Women.
According to Hall it may be considered as the earliest reference to Greek ethnicity serving the purpose of establishing the degree of relatedness between
the various Greek ethnic groups which are presented by their eponymous
ancestors (Hellen, Doros, Aiolos, Ion and Akhaios)18. The ethnic character
should be sought, following Hall, in the fact that none of the eponymous
Malkin 2001, 1-4. For Greek ethnicity in general: Malkin 2001; Lomas 2004.
Hall 2002, 5-6, 47-55. Problems of identification of Ahhiyawa in: Hall 2002, 50-52;
Malkin 2001, 3-5.
16
For the mechanism of distribution and the role of the Amfiktyony: Hall 2002, 134-154.
17
See further: Hall 2002, 6, 73-82. For discussion and further references on the Doric invasions and ethnicity: Hall 1997, 4-16, 56-65 and 114-128; Jones 1997, 16; Siapkas 2003, 47, 5154.
18
Hall 1997, 42-43. Numerous studies have appeared on references to ethnic groups and
ethnicity in ancient literature, but these will not be considered here in depth. See for discussion
and further references on Homeros: Konstan 2001, 31-32; McInnerey 2001, 55-56; Hall 2004,
36-37. For Herodotos: Malkin 2001, 5-6; Thomas 2001. For Thoukydides: Antonaccio 2001,
113-114.
14
15
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Fig. 1. The Hellenic genealogy following the Catalogue of Women (Hall
2002, 135 fig.5).
heroes served another purpose than the personification of the ethnic groups
which they represented (Hall 2002, 27-28; Hall 2004, 39).
Also I. Malkin has proposed an important role for the genealogies of heroes,
especially those of the eponymous ancestors. But, unlike Hall (see infra), I.
Malkin thought that heroes like Herakles and the Nostoi played an important
mediating role between different Greek collective identities and in the
encounters between Greeks and non-Greeks. The encounters with non-Greeks
helped to create a Greek concept of self-definition19. Following the instrumental perspective (ethnicity as repetitively and actively constructed), Hall
has explained changes in genealogical traditions as traces of the active construction of an ethnic identity (Hall 1997, 41-42). The Hellenic genealogy
should thus not be understood as an all encompassing vehicle for the definition of the groups that inhabited the Aegean region, it had been using the
metaphor of kinship to construct a system of relationships between the representative eponymous heroes. Hence the Greek self-definition in the time of
use, the Archaic period, has to be seen as aggregative, or defined from within the group based on similarities between the members, whereby the Persian
Wars were a decisive moment because it caused the mechanisms of definition
to change from aggregative to oppositional: greekness was to be defined in
opposition to a stereotypical generalised image of the exotic, slavish and unintelligible barbarian. The Persian invasion had functioned as a catalyst for the
invention of the “barbarian” and the creation of the stereotypical “Other”. The
number of images and references in literature increased in this period, and the
19
Malkin 2001, 9-10. The role of heroes and eponymous ancestors in connection to colonization has been thoroughly studied by I. Malkin in: Malkin 1998.
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differences which were cultivated this way were used to define greekness20.
Hall admitted that possibly the a-typical image of the barbarian was more
popular in Athens, for it served a practical reason: a negative image of the barbarian legitimized the Athenian request of support from the allies (Hall 2002,
182-186; Konstan 2001, 34). From the 4th century BC on, greekness was
defined on a cultural basis (Hall 2001, 170-172; Hall 2002, 220-226). So, J.
Hall does not believe the Greek colonisation played an important role in the
definition of Greek ethnicity, for contacts between Greeks and non-Greeks
had been taking place for centuries. The plantation of colonies only had
implied an intensification of those contacts. The idea of a mechanism of definition of Greek ethnic identity on the fringes of the Greek world was seen by
Hall as a simplistic core-periphery model which does not account for differences in character, intensity and perceptions of the encounters (Hall 2002, 6,
121).
Carla Antonaccio on the contrary also claimed a key role for the experiences
of the colonization in the definition of Greek ethnicity. She emphasizes the
fact that Greek colonization took place in a period when the colonizing communities were undergoing fundamental changes themselves. She admitted
that it is not wholly clear which influence the colonial experiences had in the
formation of poleis, but in the time of early colonization in the 8th century BC
it can be said that poleis hardly existed (Antonaccio 2001, 116, 122; Lomas
2000).
1.3. Studying ethnicity
For reasons of necessary limitations, the necropoleis of the selected sites have
been taken here a priori as primary analytic unit. The reason for this choice is
the fact that a grave is generally considered a meaningful and closed deposit21.
It is said graves were constructed resulting from deliberate and conscious
actions in accordance with an in time and place meaningful system of values.
Most archaeologists agree that a necropolis generally offers a structured
image of the society concerned. However, the relationship between a necropolis and its society of living is said not to be a one-to-one relationship22.
Burials can only be understood by examining the contextual relation with the
settlement and other sites (Hodder 1986, 140). The reflection of the society as
it can be seen in the grave rites is the result of choices made by the members
20
Hall 1997, 43-44, 47; Hall 2002, 175, 179. See also: Hall 1989. Although Hall has nuanced his opinion: possibly the transition from an aggregative to an oppositional self-definition
was more gradual: Hall 1998b, Hall 2001, 166-167.
21
d’Agostino 2000, 313; d’Agostino/Schnapp 1982, 17; Renfrew/Bahn 2000, 195.
22
d’Agostino 2000, 314-315; d’Agostino 1985; Parker-Pearson 1982, 99-101; Hodder
1982, 10; Renfrew 1984; McHugh 1999, 1, 13; Renfrew/Bahn 2000, 195; ‘Etienne/Müller/
Prost 2000, 155. Wider perspectives on death and archaeology: Humphreys 1981a and
Humphreys 1981b.
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of that community. Certain aspects may have been accentuated, while others
may have been neglected. B. d’Agostino described the relation between the
necropolis and society as “filtered through ideology”23. d’Agostino found a
helping hand in the interpretation of death and funerary ritual in the history of
mentality of antiquity24. Biological dying should be seen, according to this,
especially French development, as the start of a cultural process. Death in
antiquity provoked a crisis and social instability. It was important to do everything in one’s power to overcome this crisis by words, actions and rites. As
such, the death ritual also offered an opportunity to the social community for
communication, for it was also a process of symbolisation25. The disposition
of the body is seen as a conscious action determining the succession of the
funerary acts whereby the body receives a housing and the deceased becomes
part of a space which he determines; a tomb is significant because of where it
is, but also because it is: placing a dead body in a grave is a custom which is
bounded to culture, and for which many alternatives are known in anthropology (Ucko 1969). The depositions inside and outside the tomb can be considered as a testimony as well, because they can be counted and described and
analysed as to their social meanings (age, gender, social differences)26. I. Morris
pointed to the changing role of funerary ritual in space and time: some social
relations may have been exaggerated, reflected of neglected by elaborate rites,
while others may not have. The importance given to different qualities (age,
gender, wealth, religion, colour, etc…) is dependent on the specific social
structure. What archaeologists have to do according to I. Morris is examine
the social structure or ideology in the society in question in order to determine
points of structural revolution, which will depend on the symbolic forms used
and the possibility of observing and interpreting them in their historical situation27. Symbols can be interpreted, claimed I. Morris, in a way similar to linguistic analysis: indices (the smallest divisible unit) don’t have a meaning on
their own, but receive one as part of a whole, just like a letter in a word. There
is not one meaning for each symbol, but a series of interpretations (Morris
1992, 17-21; Hodder 1986, 121-122, 138-141).
Burial evidence seems therefore to be a good starting point for the analysis of
ethnic identity. Previously, others have carried out analyses of ethnicity in a
Greek colonial context. Whereas traditional interpretations had no other
23
d’Agostino 2000, 314-315; d’Agostino 1985, 48; d’Agostino/Schnapp 1982, 20. See
also: ‘Etienne/Müller/Prost 2000, 77.
24
For example: Garland 2001; Vernant 1981; Alexiou 1974, 4-23.
25
d’Agostino 2000, 315-316; d’Agostino/Schnapp 1982, 18; d’Agostino 1985, 49, 51;
McHugh 1999, 1, 13.
26
d’Agostino/Schnapp 1982, 18-21; d’Agostino 1985, 48; d’Agostino 2000, 313. See also:
Morris 1987, 1-26; Morris 1992, 1,22.
27
Morris 1987, 29-43; Morris 1998a, 22. See also: Parker-Pearson 1993.
198
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objective than attaining a strict dichotomy between Greeks and non-Greeks,
recent attempts have tried to incorporate a more complex reality. For example
J.N. Coldstream pointed to the advantages of bilingualism of children born in
mixed marriages. Coldstream investigated burials in the settlement of
Pithekoussai on the isle of Ischia, and, based on a certain kind of fibulae
attributed to the Villanova sequence, he concluded the presence of Italic
women married to Greek men of Pithekoussai (Coldstream 1993, 89-96). G.
Shepherd however challenged a simple correlation between fibulae and Italic
women because of the indication of the local production of the fibulae, the
occurrence in graves of children and men and the possibility of the wearing
of the fibulae by Greek women (Shepherd 1999, 275-297).
Even without a common subscription to a general definition of ethnicity scholars agree more or less that ethnicity is a deliberately and self-consciously subscribed identity of individuals and groups which is actively constructed in daily
practice following an awareness of differences vis-à-vis others (Jones 1997,
84; Hall 1997, 33). Instrumentalism stressed the importance in the rise of ethnicity of the group struggling for economic and political gains. Briefly recapitulating, it can be acknowledged that the presence of patterns in the archaeological record resulting from the active manipulation of material culture in the
communication of ethnic identity is possible. J. Siapkas stressed, treading in
de Certeau’s steps, the danger of reducing complexity to essentialism. Therefore he has objected to every definition of ethnicity ever proposed. Siapkas
described the modern understanding of ethnicity as fluctuating between two
analytical poles. In doing this, he offered a methodological tool to criticize
earlier statements concerning the Messenian ethnicity. Although Siapkas’
epistemological questions are to be pleaded for, the refusal of offering an idea
of his own is fatalistic because, when following this methodology, where
one’s opinion is not wanted and only criticism on the preceding research is
presented, no further research of the same subject can be undertaken. Without
being dogmatic, in the full awareness of not being complete, one can offer an
opinion.
As a starting point for the analysis of the graves and the discussion on ethnicity, the typologies of preceding research will be considered here, with a chronological limit in the early Hellenistic age. The constituting elements which this
research has discussed, are seen here as components comparable to the indices
of linguistic analysis. These components will be contextualised by means of
a comparison with other components reported in similar research. The original context (the grave) will be set in a broader context (the city). In order to
gain a full understanding of the original context, a limited contextual presentation of the graves is given in the Appendix. Earlier views on ethnicity in the
colonies will be reconsidered in terms of the more recent scholarly ideas of
ethnicity.
199
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Fig. 2. Western Black Sea region (Dimitriou 1982, 310, fig.1).
200
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Fig. 3. Schematic overview after the first results of the research in Histria,
1914-1957 (Pippidi 1958, 338, fig. 3).
2.
Case-studies: the necropoleis of Histria, Kallatis and Apollonia
Pontika
2.1.
Histria
2.1.1. Situating Histria
Istros (Lat.: Histria) was possibly named after the Thrakian name for the nearby river Danube Istros. The ancient city, spared from present day building
activities, is situated 80 km south of the most southern arm of the Danube and
65 km north of modern Constant,a (Fig. 2)28. Histria is located on the edge of
28
Hind 1984, 76; Avram 2003, 280-281. K. Nawotka has doubted the Thrakian origin of
the name Istros, since it was also found on Crete and Illyria: Nawotka 1997, 10.
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a sandy peninsula stretching along lake Sinoé and lake Histria. An acropolis
with sanctuaries was installed on the highest point of the coastal plain, offering a view on the wide fertile rural hinterland and the rivers Nuntasi and
Iunan-Dere29.
Histria, totally forgotten, it’s location being obscure, and being the historically oldest known Milesian colony of the region, was the subject of debate
amongst Rumenian and foreign scholars of the 19th century. Accidental finds
called attention to a possible location near lake Sinoé, positively identified by
Ernest Desjardins in 1868 and confirmed by Vasile Pârvan, who started excavating there in 1914. These excavations brought to light a defensive wall of
the Roman epoch and many inscriptions of the 5th BC–3rd AD centuries.
After Pârvan’s death excavations were continued, although on a smaller scale,
by Scarlat Lambrino until 1941. Many results of this research were never published, and a later attempt to obtain Lambrino’s notes on the excavations by
his successors in the Histrian research, D.M. Pippidi and P. Alexandrescu,
failed. In 1949 the excavations were continued, limited to layers from the 4th7th centuries AD however. From 1950 on, E. Condurachi directed the excavations, which were elaborated, comprising, besides the Roman and
Byzantine periods, also layers from the earliest periods of Histrian occupation
(Fig. 3)30.
An exact historical foundation date for Histria is not known; Pseudo-Skymnos
mentioned the foundation of Istros by the Milesians in the period of the pursuit of the Kimmerians by the Skythians. Eusebius provides a date of 657/6
BC in his chronicle; the oldest ceramics (Rhodian ware) has been attributed
to the last quarter of the 7th century. Presumably, the settlement had not been
founded much earlier. At the end of the 7th century BC, Histria seems to have
been a well developed centre31.
In layers attributed to archaic period habitation, local Iron Age Babadag sherds
have been found. The lack of any concentration of them has been interpreted
as the absence of any pre-colonial settlement in the Histrian city area. More
recently however, on Cape Dolojman (Greek Orgame, Fig. 4), at a distance of
25 km of Histria, but on its chora, the bottom of a Corinthian aryballos in a
Bababag II and III habitation layer was found, the sherd has been dated in the
29
Avram 1990, 9-26. The fertility of the grounds surrounding Histria has been doubted by:
Krebs 1997, 48; Alexandrescu 1985, 42-43; Isaac 1986, 268-271; Avram 1990; Avram 2003,
280-281, 290.
30
Pippidi 1958, 335-341; Avram 2003, 279. About Pârvan and his many realizations in
archaeology: Preda 1982; Condurachi 1957. On Scarlat Lambrino and his wife Marcelle (also
active in the research in Histria): Avram 2002-2003. On the early discoveries in Histria see:
Dimitriu/Coja 1958; Condurachi 1968, 5-6.
31
Nawotka 1997, 16-17; Coja 1990, 160; Krebs, 1997, 53; Avram 2003, 284-286. The
archaeological aspects of the foundation of Histria in: Dimitriu/Coja 1958, 75-80; Condurachi
1961; Pippidi 1970, 356-357; Alexandrescu 1985, 46-48; Vulpe 1990; Avram 2003, 284-286.
202
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Fig. 4. Orgame (Argamum/Cape Dolojman) (Coja 1990, 165, fig. 2).
period 640-625 BC32. A similar piece has been found in Histria. MănucuAdames‚teanu has suggested an earlier foundation date for Orgame than for
Histria and, following a scenario which is also known for Berezan and Olbia,
the favourable location attracted the first settlers, but the limited possibilities
for expansion forced a relocation of activities to Histria33.
32
Following Krebs 1997, 52; referring to Coja 1990, 162. Krebs believes there has been a
co-existence between the two groups in Orgame. Coja (1990, 162) sees no interruption between
the Babadag and the Greek occupation. Mănucu-Adames,teanu on the contrary thinks there has
been a gap between the Babadag and the Greek occupation: Mănucu-Adames,teanu 2003, 345.
33
Alexandrescu 2000, 519; Mănucu-Adames,teanu 2003, 344-345. Krebs has attributed the
sherds to pre-colonial activities on a place which would become a Greek colony: Krebs 1997,
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Severe disturbances in habitation zone X, the temple of Zeus Polieus and the
city wall, dated in the late 6th century, have been attributed to the Skythian
expedition of the Persian king Dareios. It has been suggested that Histria
itself, in maintaining good relations with the local population present in its
chora, was involved in the Persian-Skythian conflict34.
2.1.2. The necropolis of Histria
When Vasile Pârvan identified and excavated the first remains of Histria, the
necropolis had been left untouched, although its existence was attested by the
presence of more than 1000 tumuli. The first excavations of the graves were
undertaken in 1955 by E. Condurachi.
Between 1955 and 1961, 40 tumuli located next to lake Sinoé were excavated,
as was a number of graves in the smaller necropolis next to the town. The surface of the necropolis amounts to 5 km2, but its precise extension is difficult
to establish because of the rise of the water level of the lakes which absorbed
most of the ancient remains. It seems there existed several adjoining necropoleis instead of one, the necropoleis probably belonging to the inhabitants of
Histria and the surrounding villages. Although not proven, a border possibly
ran from a place called “the wells” to lake Sinoé35. On aerial photographs a
ditch has been detected running across the peninsula from the west-southwest to the east-north-east; its existence was confirmed on the field, but its
precise relation with the necropolis needs further research (Alexandrescu
1966, 137-138, 140).
Besides the 40 tumuli excavated on different places of the necropolis, and dating from different periods, a number of flat graves, isolated or in small groups,
has been found. A number of secondary interments in tumuli have also been
discovered36. 34 tumuli (out of more than 1000) and a number of secondary
graves have been published; the results seem to point to a period of use
stretching from the mid-6th century BC to the 2nd-3rd centuries AD.
Based on finds, construction, topography, ritual, etc., the necropolis has been
divided in three sub periods: the oldest phase encompassing the mid-6th until
52. M. Coja agrees with this vision and places the foundation of Orgame in the same period as
Histria: Coja 1990, 162.
34
A. Avram has pointed to Skythian vengeance instead of Persian disturbances because of
the probability of the maintenance of good relations between Histria and her mother city
Milete, which was, in this period, at good understanding with the Persians: Avram 2003, 305.
See also Alexandrescu 1990b, 66-68.
35
Pippidi 1958, 350; Alexandrescu 1963, 258-259; Alexandrescu 1965a; Alexandrescu
1966, 137, 140.
36
The flat graves and secondary interments were preliminary published in Materiale S,i
Cercetări Archeologice 4 (1957), 5 (1959), 6 (1959), 7 (1960), 8 (1962), a periodical which is
unknown in Belgium. A summary is given in: Alexandrescu/Eftimie 1959. The final publication appeared in Histria 3, 1955, 66 ff (a volume which seems also to be unknown in Belgium
and surroundings), according to: Alexandrescu 1963, 259, note 2.
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the mid-4th century (14 of the tumuli), the second period the mid-4th until the
end of the first century BC (13 tumuli) and the third phase has to be situated
in the Roman period (Alexandrescu 1963, 260; Alexandrescu 1966, 135-136,
216).
In contrast with other Greek colonies in the north-western Black Sea area, the
tumuli had no interior construction in wood or stone. Two phases can be clearly discerned in the construction. These correspond with the preparation of the
ground for the burial and with post-burial ceremonies. The substructure could
occur in three possible forms: with peripheral ditch, funerary platforms or
stone circle. A peripheral ditch was constructed around tumuli XVII, XIX,
XX; the ditch had been continuous or segmented with a width of 0,7m à 1,3m
and a depth between 0,3m and 0,75m. The peripheral ditch was only constructed during the oldest phase of the necropolis. A funerary platform, consisting of an earthen elevation of 0,3m à 0,5m, was constructed under tumuli
XVII, XIX, XX, XXII, and XXIV. A stone circle was constructed instead of a
funerary platform and served the same function of delineating the place of
burial. Apparently, the construction was used only during a short period at the
end of the 4th century or the beginning of the 3rd century BC. The diameter
reached 13m à 14m, the thickness 1m à 1,5m and the height 0,2m à 0,5m. This
type of construction is found only twice in this period (tumuli XXIX, XXXI)37.
In observing the rituals occurring in the Histrian tumuli, one is struck by the
domination of the cremation ritual over that of inhumation38. Possibly this can
be attributed to the state of research; the number of studied flat graves is rather
low. The Histrian flat graves with inhumations date from the 6th to the 1st centuries BC, and were found in between the tumuli. Possibly, a necropolis with
exclusively flat graves existed although it has not been found yet. The dominance of the cremation ritual in the Histrian tumuli can be seen as a specific
historical characteristic, in contrast to the majority of inhumation rituals elsewhere in the Pontic region.
Typologically the tumuli have been divided in three groups; the first two
groups encompassing cremations, the third group the inhumations (Fig. 5).
The difference between the location of the burning of the body and the subsequent burial was considered determining for the distinction between the different cremation types: the tumulus could or could not have been constructed
on the place of the burning, thus a distinction is made between cremations at
the same place as the construction of the tumuli (type JA) - with two subdivisions: burial at the same place as the burning (type JAa) and burials next to
Alexandrescu 1963, 260-261; Alexandrescu 1966, 235-236.
For the different burial rituals in Histria see: Alexandrescu 1963, 260; Alexandrescu
1965a, 164-173; Alexandrescu 1966, 249-257.
37
38
205
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Fig. 5. Typological groups of the Histrian tumuli (after Alexandrescu 1966,
416; Alexandrescu 1965a, 164) (NB: Alexandrescu never specified
JAbII-IV and VI).
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the place of the burning (type JAb) – and cremations at another place than the
place of burning (type JB). Type JA has been further subdivided according to
the form of the cremation pit:
• Burning at the place of burial, without cremation pit (type JAaI): had a
funeral pyre with a square, almost rectangular, form with an average length
of 3m. The body presumably had been orientated in a north-southern
direction. Gifts had been deposited on the pyre or outside the cremation
zone, in which case they had been ritually broken. This grave type was
associated with a peripheral ditch containing remains of human and animal sacrifices. JAaI has been dated between 560/550 and 510/490 BC.
• Burning at the place of the burial, with a circular cremation pit (JAaII):
has only been found in tumulus XVII. The cremation pyre presumably had
the same form as in type JAaI. After the burning the remains were deposited in the circular pit. Some of the gifts had been burned at the same
moment as the body; other gifts had been deposited inside and outside the
grave zone during the construction of the grave proper. These secondary
deposits were not burned. The grave was surrounded by a peripheral ditch
containing ceramic, human, and horse sacrifices. Type JAaII has been
dated in the mid-6th century BC.
• Burning at the place of the burial, with a rectangular or oval cremation pit
(JAaIII): is best known from tumulus XXVIII. The pit and the surrounding zone showed traces of the burning, the remains of which had been
carefully taken and deposited in the cremation pit. The form of the pit
closely resembled the type known from inhumation graves. The dead body
probably was laid out on the pyre in an east-western direction. Gifts were
not found in tumuli XXIX and XXXIII; in tumuli XXIX and XXXI they
had been deposited after the cremation ritual inside and outside the zone
of the burning. The type has been attributed to the 5th-3rd centuries BC.
• Burning at the same place as the burial with a cremation pit in the form of
a cross (type JAaIV): should be dated in the first two centuries of our era.
• Burial on the place of burning, with an oval cremation pit (JAaV): was
found in tumuli XXXIV and XXXVI. The pyre had been constructed in
the pit; the body presumably had been laid out in east-western direction.
Gifts had been deposited during the ritual of burning. The grave type was
used for the first time in the 5th century BC, and remained in use during
the Roman period.
• Burning at the place of the burial, with a cremation pit with gradation
(JAaVI): was used during the second half of the first century AD
• Burial next to the place of the burning with a pyre without cremation pit
(JAbI): was found only in tumulus XXII. The actual grave had been constructed at a distance of 1m from the place of the burning. After the cremation ritual in and near the cremation zone many vessels had been ritually broken, probably after the most important remains had been collected
and deposited in the grave. In the grave no gifts had been left, during the
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construction of the grave somewhere. This tumulus is dated in the mid-5th
century BC.
• Burial next to the place of burning, with a pyre with an oval cremation pit
(type JAbV): is dated in the middle of the 2nd century BC
• Burial next to the place of burning, pyre with a deep circular cremation pit
(type JAbVII): was attested in tumuli II and IX. The pyre was constructed
in a deep pit, which in tumulus II was surrounded with a stone circle.
During the cremation ritual and the subsequent burial ritual gifts were
deposited. Tumulus II is dated in the 3rd quarter of the 4th century BC and
tumulus IX in the Roman period.
Type JB, cremation grave at a different place from the cremation, is known in
two distinct forms:
• Burial on the ground (type JB1): attested in tumulus XXIII from the 5th
century BC and tumulus XXXV from the Roman period. Burning and
burial were carried out at a different place. The remains of the body were
deposited on the ground and buried with some gifts.
• Burial in a pit (type JB2): was found in tumulus III. The body had been
buried with some of the ashes and gifts which showed traces of the burning. During the burial ritual gifts had been deposited, too. The complex has
been dated in the second half of the 5th century BC.
• Burial in an urn (type JB3): was used once for a burial dating to the
Roman period (tumulus VI)
The inhumation ritual was found only twice in a tumulus burial (tumuli I and
XVIII). Only the body of tumulus I was well preserved; it was orientated eastnorth-east/west-south-west in a dorsal position with the hands on the chest.
The body of tumulus XVIII was not preserved; the pit was orientated northeast/south-west. Also for the inhumations a typological distinction has been
made:
I: in tumulus I the body had been placed directly on the ground and was surrounded by a stone circle. In the grave circle a marble plate had been placed.
II: in tumulus XVIII the body had been placed in the oval pit in a coffin.
According to the small measurements of the grave, it can be supposed the
grave belonged to a child.
Both graves contained gifts; in the case of tumulus I they had been placed
inside the stone circle; in the second case they had been placed inside and outside the coffin.
Concerning the gifts several distinctions have been made according to grave
type and moment of deposition39. According to the observations the gifts have
been appointed to these groups based on the cremation ritual, the subsequent
39
208
On the gifts see: Alexandrescu 1963, 261; Alexandrescu 1966, 267-272.
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construction of the tumulus, or the post-burial rites. Gifts of the first group
were almost always present, the other groups from time to time.
Gifts on the lowest construction level of grave type JA: can be subdivided in
two more groups according to traces of burning: gifts deposited during the
cremation ritual and gifts deposited after this ritual, although this observation
can not be considered as definite according to the author because of the possibility of a distant position of the gift in relation to the pyre, preventing its
burning during the cremation. The first group of gifts was composed of personal possessions of the dead: clothes, jewels, etc., and ceramic vessels, mainly containers for perfume and fragrant oils (lydia, lekythoi, alabastra).
Cooking ware was less represented during this phase, but was more abundant
during the second construction phase. The presence of amphorae is striking
during the last construction phase; they were usually found outside the cremation zone, sometimes in the presence of animal bones. The other gifts had
been laid out on different places, inside and outside the cremation zone. Not
everywhere these patterns could be observed.
Gifts at the lowest construction level of grave type JB, inhumation graves and
cenotaphs: can also be divided in two groups: gifts deposited in the actual
grave, and gifts deposited on the borders of the grave, a difference which has
been ritually interpreted and was also observed in a few flat grave cemeteries
in Greece.
Peripheral gifts: were found in four of the oldest graves of Histria of the second half of the 6th century BC40. The graves were situated in each other’s
proximity on a platform of the northern necropolis. With one exception, the
tumuli had a substructural construction of a funerary platform and peripheral
ditch. The rituals belonged to types JAaI and JAaII. All the graves had a special category of gifts, being, apart from animal and ceramic sacrifices, of
human origin. These gifts have been found in the peripheral ditch in the case
of tumuli XVII, XIX, XX and in two pits west-north-west from the burial
under tumulus XII. In tumuli XII and XIX the gifts were deposited without
order. The humans sacrificed in tumulus XII had been dead three or four days
before their burial; the humans in tumulus XVII were found in a contracted
position, possibly indicating their killing on the same place. Animal remains
were composed of horses and mules, being mixed with the human remains
(tumulus XII) or separated from them (tumulus XVII and XIX) or deposited
without human remains (tumulus XX). The animals had been cut in pieces in
40
On the eldest graves: Alexandrescu/Eftimie 1959; Alexandrescu 1965b; Alexandrescu
1966, 154-155. On a physical anthropological study of the human remains: Nicolăescu-Plops,or
1959, 168-174.
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tumulus XVII: only their heads and legs were present. The third category of
gifts, ceramic vessels, was usually composed of amphorae and table ware.
The human remains of tumulus XII had been deposited in two pits (collective
grave I and collective grave II), not disturbing the centrally located cremation
grave in the tumulus proper. Both collective graves had been covered by a
stone layer. Collective grave I contained 26 human skeletons and 28 legs (or
parts), four skulls, three chests of mules and horses. Collective grave II contained nine human skeletons and 22 legs (or parts), seven skulls, and three
chests of mules and horses. From the skeletons studied it could be determined
that 12 individuals had been male, two female and eight undetermined. Three
came from children between the age of 11-14, one had been a teenager of 1718 years old, six adults of 20-30, 12 adults of 30-40, six between the age of
40-50, and two adults of the age 50-60. The collective graves were covered
by the second construction layer of tumulus XII.
The second major group of burial gifts is composed of offerings from the construction phase of the tumulus. This kind of gifts was observed twice in tumuli
from the 5th century BC, and once in the Roman period. The gifts from the
5th century BC consisted of an amphora in between the second and third construction layer of the tumulus.
A third group of gifts was brought after the construction of the tumulus. This
deposition occurred in the 5th century BC and in one case in the Roman period. In a pit, usually located in the centre of the hill, some gifts had been
placed, although sometimes a pit on top of the hill without any offerings was
found.
Two categories of graves have not been discussed yet and will be considered
here briefly: secondary graves and some other distinct grave types. Secondary
graves were found in different tumuli, only one dating to the classical and
early Hellenistic period (grave XXII in tumulus XXII). The grave contained
the remains of a cremation ritual executed elsewhere, and gifts. After the secondary burial, the surface of the tumulus had been carefully restored. The
other types of graves are composed of cenotaphs, and flat graves. Sometimes
(graves 4 and 6) precise observations were impossible.
2.1.3. Ethnicity in Histria
Different conclusions concerning the problem of ethnicity have been proposed for the typological components of the graves and the complexes as a
whole. On a formal level analogies for the typological components are sometimes known:
In the case of the methods of construction some observations have been made,
which can be considered informative in the study of ethnicity in Histria
(Alexandrescu 1966, 239-247). Formal similarities in the peripheral ditches of
the tumuli have been found in other Thrakian necropoleis, e.g. Duvanli,
Rosova. Identical constructions are not known from the Greek world. The
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Fig. 6. Chronological evolution of the Histrian tumuli (Alexandrescu 1965,
174).
peripheral ditches served an important religious purpose for they contained
gifts of human, animal and ceramical origin. The funerary platforms seem to
find their most close parallels in the southern Danube region; they are not
found in other necropoleis of Greece or Asia Minor proper. The stone circle
resembles, according to the research, most closely structures found in
Thrakian graves, which had known a centuries long tradition, starting in the
Bronze Age. Most examples found have been dated between the 5th and the
3rd centuries BC. No special observations concerning the fill of the grave
have been made, with exception of the pavement of two ditches, which has
been found elsewhere in Thrakia (Alexandrescu 1966, 239-247).
In some of the burial rituals formal similarities with other published graves
can be detected (Fig. 6). Alexandrescu has pointed out the wide distribution
of cremation type JAaI of the Histrian typology amongst the local populations
of the Danubian region. Parallels have been found in: Bailovo (tumuli I – V,
VII, IX, X, XI), Ezerovo (tumuli I en II), Batak (33 tumuli), Brezovo (Baba
Dolina tumulus), Duvanli (tumulus XVI), Madara, Mezek (tumulus IV),
Vlas,ko Selo (tumulus I), Zimnicea (tumulus C7). The ritual has also been
found in graves which have been dated to the Roman period. The ritual has
been attributed to people with a high social position. Cremation types JAbI,
JAaIII and JAaIV have also been observed in graves in Batak, Ezerovo,
Brezovo, and Bailovo; these graves could also be attributed to people belong211
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ing to the aristocracy, according to P. Alexandrescu (Alexandrescu 1965a,
174-177; Alexandrescu 1971, 319). G. Simion, on the contrary, considers the
burial ritual at the same place as the burning as being un-Getic, because they
used an urn for this purpose. The cremation ritual has also been known in
Greece proper and elsewhere in the Greek world: it has been attributed to
Greek colonists in the Crimea in the archaic period, it has been found in the
8th-6th centuries in the Kerameikos, in Halos (Thessalia), in Emporion, etc.
Grave type JAaV has been seen as “Greek” (Alexandrescu 1966, 239-247).
Although inhumation as a ritual occurred occasionally, cremation is considered to have been the dominant funeral ritual in the Thrakian world, in flat
graves and in tumuli (Coja 1990, 164). G. Simion pointed out the discovery
of inhumation graves in the vicinity of Histria, in Istria-sat and Corbu. These
graves have been attributed to Getae by the researchers; also elsewhere in
Thrakia and the North-Pontic area, the inhumation ritual could be observed
(Simion 1998, 168-169). Other research revealed the occurrence of both the
inhumation and cremation rituals under tumuli in necropoleis attributed to
local populations, being used for both sexes and all layers of society
(Kilitanova-Komitova 1985, 136). Elsewhere in the Greek world these observations have been made, too41.
The closest parallels to the grave gifts are easily found in the “Greek” world:
most vessels had been imported, a major portion taken by Attic ware. Metal
objects were scarce: coins, strigilae and simple jewels are considered “normal” in Greek necropoleis. Weapons are almost completely absent among the
grave gifts, apart from some arrow heads, classified as belonging to the
Skythian type. A handle of a mirror has been classified as Skythian, too. A
special category of grave gifts is the so-called group of peripheral gifts.
Human sacrifices had not been wide-spread in Greek funeral rituals. Human
sacrifices are not known from the Danube region either but are found in the
Northern Pontic steppe (Alexandrescu 1966, 273-281). We know from literary testimonies that in later periods Skythians inhabited the Dobruja region.
In tumulus XIX Skythian objects have been found. The offering of humans
and animals in the Late Geometric and archaic periods can possibly be attributed as well to Greeks (Simion 1998, 169). The sacrifice of horses had been
attributed to Skythians, but was occasionally also practiced by Thrakians and
Getae too (Coja 1990, 165).
Considering the formal parallels, some of the Histrian graves can be seen as
significant elements in the Histrian ethnic identity. Tumuli XX, XVII, XIX
have constructive elements and peripheral offerings which have been placed
in the local traditions. Their ritual is seen by some researchers as local, though
others deny this. The gifts found in these graves fit the “Greek” traditions with
exception of a whetstone and the bronze handle of a mirror, which are both
41
212
See Kurtz/Boardman 1971, 176, 184-186, 189 for some examples.
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placed in the Skythian traditions. Grave XII shows an extraordinary grave ritual with the presence of two collective graves, unknown both in the Greek
world and locally42. No research whatsoever seems to have paid attention to
this unusual grave complex. The ritual points to a very important event in the
social community, for the killing and burying of so many people in a very
short time could not have occurred without any repercussion, unless the ritual served an important symbolic purpose.
Tumulus XXXII showed a ritual considered to have been Greek, some
Skythian arrow heads were given to the dead. The ritual of graves XXXIII and
XXIX can possibly be attributed to the local tradition; the gifts fit the Greek
habits. Tumulus XXIX was constructed with a stone circle.
The other graves found in the Histrian necropolis and published hitherto seem
to follow traditions known elsewhere in the Greek world and are therefore
considered to have been characteristic of “Greeks”. The funeral rituals mentioned above display the presence of different traditions, usually in one grave.
A simple dichotomy between Greek and local populations in death ritual is
therefore not possible.
Following the contextual theories one should look at other contexts to understand the initial starting point. Although Histria has not been studied completely, some conclusions have been made in the preceding research, possibly
relevant for the study of ethnicity.
Since the early 6th century BC, local settlements on the rural territory of
Histria had been installed43. At the same moment there seems to have been a
division of the land in parcels, possibly stretching from lake Tuzla to lake
Sinoé. The system of parcels, different from the rural system, was delineated
by roads which were flanked by tumuli. The sequence of arrangement of the
whole system suggests a more remote date for the construction of the roads
when compared to the tumuli. The radial road system was intersected by secondary roads and an earthen bank and ditch system at a distance of 3 km from
Histria. Graves have also been found outside the bank and some of them were
associated in little groups with a parcel which was delineated by roads. The
plots, ca. 500/600m x 200m, are visible on air photographs (Fig.7). It has been
suggested that some of the plots correspond to farms. There are indications for
a possible organisation of the system in the late 7th century BC, in the initial
phases of the settlement. The parcel system indicates planning of the landscape, comprising investments in time, working hours and means. It has been
42
Though there are some collective graves known from the Greek world, like at Marathon
(Hdt. 6.107), Thermopylae (Hdt. 7.228; Str. 9.4.16: Strabo even calls it emphatically a 'polyandrion': cf. also Str. 9.4.2), and near Calpes Limen (X. An. 6.5.6), none of these may be compared with these graves at Histria, since they probably would display different characteristics.
I kindly thank Dr. J.P. Stronk to bring these graves under my attention.
43
On the rural settlements of the Histrian chora: Krebs 1997, 54-55; Krebs 1997; on the
extension of the chora: Avram 2001.
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fig. 7. Aerial photographs showing the land parcel system of Histria
(Alexandrescu 1990b, 93, fig. 2 and fig. 3).
inferred from this fact that the system probably was not laid out by colonists
who had hastily been forced out of their mother city in order to escape a crisis; such an expedition would not have had enough time. Maybe a small group
of colonists prepared the system in advance, expecting the coming of a larger
group of colonists44. It has been suggested this second group included richer
inhabitants of Milete, who were forced out of their properties by the advancing Lydian troops, and possessed the means to afford a removal to the new settlement. An alternative explication for the land system could be a further
unknown political crisis, overthrowing the oligarchic regime and redistributing the available land among the citizens. Another explication, in analogy
with a decree from Lokris, could have been the division of land among new
colonists who were able to carry a weapon, recruited by the Histrians (Krebs
1997, 59-61).
Study of the earliest levels has brought to light the existence of 3 major levels of occupation during the archaic period, dated between 630 and 513 BC.
Level I has been well represented in the western part of the town, especially
in zone X. In the temenos this level is also present. The earliest street has also
been attributed to phase I45. The first defensive wall was only constructed dur44
This general sequence of installation of Greek settlements has been proposed by E.K.
Petropoulos for the Black Sea area and the Western colonies: Petropoulos 2003, 42.
45
On the lay out of Milesian cities, including Histria: Wasowicz 1999.
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ing the second phase (dated 575-550), around 575 BC. The construction of the
wall involved some re-allotment of the urban space. Level III encompassed
the next period (550-514) until the destruction level. Habitation seems to have
been very compact in the western zone of the so-called plateau. In the northern zone of this area a potters’ quarter has been discovered, which was occupied from the mid-6th century until the Hellenistic period46.
From 1959 on habitation zone X has been studied. The oldest houses (L 9 and
L 10) found have been attributed to the first half of the 6th century (580-570
BC). Striking during the research was the stratigraphical sequence of the
houses until the end of the 6th century BC (Alexandrescu 1990a, 338-339).
The earliest remains have been found in zone Z2: humble houses and imported Greek ware of the late 7th and early 6th century47. The structures found
belong to types known elsewhere in the Greek world. The dugouts are characteristic of the northern Pontic area. Their origin has been discussed. Most
scholars believe the type originally belonged to the local populations, but had
been quickly copied by the Greek colonists. V.D. Kuznetsov has stated however the so-called dugouts had been ordinary houses whose only remnants had
been the basement, which in turn is mistakenly seen as the actual house. A calculation of the tiles found points to a number sufficiently high to suppose the
existence of a construction overground (Kuznetsov 1999).
The temenos has been identified in the north-eastern section of the city, on the
so-called “acropolis”. The earliest remains (some small ditches) are attributed
to the end of the 7th and the beginning of the 6th centuries BC. A first series of
ritual buildings, probably made out of wood, was constructed in the first quarter of the 6th century BC. The first stone buildings appeared in the middle of
the 6th century BC. A first temple (A) has been attributed to Zeus Polieus, a
second one (J) to Aphrodite. Architectural fragments, ceramics and some other
monuments testify of different phases of reconstruction. A temple for Theos
Megas of the 3rd century BC has also been discovered, but a temple attributed
to Apollo Iètros, the principal god of the city, has not been found48.
On the basis of the presence of locally made ceramics S. Dimitriu claims a
Getic presence in Histria from the earliest period on49. Ceramics alone can not
be taken as a single indication for the actual presence of an ethnic group, for
it can have been traded and used by others.
46
Coja 1990, 161; Hind 1984, 77; Avram 2003, 281-282 and 323. On the ceramic production of Histria: Coja 1962; Alexandrescu 1985, 51; Alexandrescu 1990a, 339; Dimitriu/Coja
1958.
47
Isaac 1986, 272; Alexandrecu 1985, 50. On habitation in Histria: Coja 1970; Avram 2003,
323.
48
Pippidi 1965; Pippidi 1958, 341-350; Condurachi 1968, 30-35; Hind 1984, 76-77; Coja
1962, 118-120; Radulescu/Bitoleanu 1984, 33; Isaac 1986, 272-276; Avram 2003, 319-322.
49
Dimitriu 1966, 407. Similar opinion in: Coja 1990, 166.
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In the Histrian pantheon the presence in the 3rd century BC of Theos Megas,
considered to be of Thrakian origin, can be observed. Also present in the
Histrian pantheon was Apollo, by some scholars considered to have figured
prominently in Greek colonisation (Graham 1983, 26; Dougherty 1993).
Apollo was important in Histria’s metropolis (Milete) too. Historical sources
mention a conflict between the Persians and Skythians, possibly involving
Histria. This is sometimes interpreted in terms of close relations between the
Greek colony and the Skythians. In the Histrian chora settlements with both
Greek and Thrakian components in the material culture have been found.
These settlements are generally considered to have belonged to a mixed
Greek-Thrakian population.
The preceding research proposes a Thrakian presence in Histria. Usually this
statement is supported by a single category of evidence (ceramics), used to
distinguish Thrakian “ethnicity” (with primordial connotations) from Greek
(primordial) “ethnicity”. The co-existence of “Greeks” and “Thrakians” and
the complex relations following from this have barely been mentioned by the
traditional research. Strictly separated ethnic entities keep dominating the traditional view. But following recent theories of ethnicity, briefly outlined in
part 1, it is wrong to suppose a population can be strictly separated in two
groups. The primordial notions hardly correspond to reality. In some moments
of its existence a true Greek or Thrakian ethnicity may have been present, for
example at the moment of arrival of a new group of colonists, bringing their
own traditions with them. But the groups inhabiting the area maintained close
relations from the beginning, resulting in the fading of the borders of difference. “Mixed marriages” may be taken for granted: within a few generations, they result in a complex pattern of interrelations. Moreover, one has to
take into account the “greekness” of the Greeks themselves. As outlined in 1.2
there was no Greece in antiquity, and “Greek” ethnicity therefore operated on
different levels. Although ties with Milete are attested, the presence of Greeks
from other poleis is probable too, which makes it hard to explain Greek
ethnicity in Histria in terms of Milete alone. The Thrakians are considered to
have been living in different “groups” too, although it is not very clear how
these groups were divided, and how they interacted with each other. Sources
mention that the Getae, whose material culture which fits the Iron Age horizon known elsewhere in the region, inhabited the surroundings of Histria. A
Skythian presence has been assumed too. It is improbable that all these groups
were living separately. As stated by the theory of praxis the habitus assimilates
surrounding elements in the process of reproduction. The people in Histria
identifying themselves to (more or less) different “groups” would adopt cultural aspects of each other in ways thought to fit their needs. In post-colonial
theories of colonisation this process is called creolisation or hybridisation. To
overcome dualistic representations of the societies in colonial studies, postcolonial theory developed these ideas. This implies attention for characteristic local situations where different elements of the colonising and colonised
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cultures are being redefined to create new identities in a colonial context (Van
Dommelen 1997, 309; Gosden 2001, 241-242). Judging from material cultural elements, a similar situation can be hypothesized in Histria.
As has been concluded a simple dichotomy between Greeks and locals in
Histria probably never existed. In the necropolis, as in other contexts, a
process of hybridisation may be assumed. This is especially the case for the
earliest graves displaying “anomalies” in comparison to what is thought to
have been a “Greek value”. After a few generations more homogeneity can be
observed. The four oldest graves, described as the “Thrakian” group in the initial research, are related to more than one tradition. Significant, however, are
the human sacrifices. As has been said above, the killing of people can not be
considered to have been an ordinary situation, comparable with the ritual
breaking of a vessel for example. This ritual must have had important consequences for the community, and must have been bearing an important message. What this message was is less clear, possibly it was social: the deceased
seem to have been buried with all available honours. Hybridity in the grave
ritual seems to be present. An instrumental ethnic interpretation of contesting
political or economic goals (see 1.1) seems less probable. An ethnic identity,
although not explicitly expressed, in terms of a locally and historically specific and hybrid Histrian tradition is more credible.
The components of the other graves could be related to different traditions
too. P. Alexandrescu claims to be able to reconstruct the evolution of the local
(primordial) population in the graves belonging to types JAbI, JAaII, JAaIII
and JAaIV. To avoid primordial connotations it would be better to describe
this evolution in terms of an evolution of funerary traditions. A contested ethnic identity seems not to have been operating in the death ritual. Hybrid traditions can be said to have been present.
The graves not mentioned above (the so-called truly Greek graves) are difficult
to judge. The characteristic of Histrian burial in different periods is not well
known; the necropolis has been investigated only partially. It is not clear where
the graves should be placed in the overall picture of the Histrian burials.
2.2.
Kallatis
2.2.1. Situating Kallatis
About the earliest history of Kallatis, situated under modern Mangalia
(Rumania), little is known historically and archaeologically (see also Fig. 2).
In comparison with Histria, less archaeological research has been conducted,
and the fact that ancient Kallatis has disappeared partially under a 2m rising
sea level, has also contributed to the lack of knowledge about this city50.
50
For a geographical placing of Kallatis see: Preda 1968, 5-6.
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The only ancient reference to the foundation of Kallatis is to be found in
Pseudo-Skymnos 760-764. According to Pseudo-Skymnos, Kallatis was
founded after an oracle in 540-500 BC, in the period of the accession to the
Makedonian throne of Amyntas. The existence of more than one ruler named
Amyntas is known, which is problematic for an interpretation. A foundation
date under the eldest Amyntas is not supported by archaeological evidence, so
possibly Kallatis’ foundation should be dated under Amyntas III in the beginning of the 4th century BC, a period of troubles in the mother city of Herakleia
Pontika51. The name Kallatis possibly has a Thrakian origin, so the region
could have been inhabited by local groups at the time of the initial Greek settlement (Nawotka 1997, 12-20). The territory stretched out from Shabla
(Karōn Limen) in the south to Tuzla in the north52.
The first archaeological research started relatively late: in 1901 P. Polonic discovered an ancient defensive wall; in 1915 D.M. Teodoresco carried out some
excavations in the eastern part of Mangalia, resulting in the discovery of a
Christian basilica from the Byzantine epoch. The basilica was excavated in
1924 by O. Tafrali and also Th. Sauciuc-Săveanu started archaeological field
campaigns, that were continued until 1942. Different inscriptions, sculptures,
ceramical fragments and some graves of the tile type (see infra) were discovered during this research. In the years 1930-1931 R. Vulpe and V. Dumitresco
excavated in the zone of the necropolis. Research on the defensive wall and
some important buildings of the city was also carried out. Apparently the
majority of the Kallatian population lived outside the defensive walls. During
its period of existence, the Kallatian defensive system was reconstructed three
times at the same place. The oldest parts were dated to the 4th century BC.
After the revolution and the reorganisation of the scientific institutions in
1949-1950, the archaeological research was appointed to the supervision of E.
Condurachi. In this period further research on the defensive walls and the
necropolis was carried out. In the years 1958 and 1959-1967 major infrastructural works were inspected by archaeologists, and resulted in some
important discoveries in the necropolis (see infra). More recently, remains of
temples and altars inside a temenos have been discovered, and research has
been carried out in the harbour (Hind 1993, 88). Remains from a necropolis
and thermae from the Roman epoch and a monastery from the late-Roman
period have also been found53.
51
Hind 1984, 75. Contra: Preda 1968, 7; Avram 1991, 127-130; Avram 2001, 613, note 56.
These last two authors think Kallatis was founded in the 6th century under Amyntas I. Avram
has pointed to the lack of archaeological research in the eldest parts of the city: Avram 1991,
128. The foundation of Kallatis is also discussed by: Isaac 1986, 262; Nawotka 1997, 20-23;
Avram 1996, 292 (see also Avram 1996, 292, note 30).
52
Hind 1993, 88. On the territory of Kallitis see Avram 2001, 612-632; Avram 1991.
53
Preda 1968, 20-22. For the earliest excavations in Mangalia: Sauciuc-Săveanu 1924;
Sauciuc-Săveanu 1925; Sauciuc-Săveanu 1938a; Sauciuc-Săveanu 1938b (Dacia III-IV: reports
3 and 4 by Sauciuc-Săveanu: non vidimus). Later emergency research in: Scorpan 1974.
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Despite an earlier foundation, none of the finds pre-dates the 4th century BC.
In the second half of the 4th century BC Kallatis had reached a social, economic and cultural peak. The first silver coins were minted, bearing the image
of an ear (as a symbol of agriculture) and Herakles on the other side. Ceramic
production reached a high level, a real Monte testaccio, near the postal office
of Mangalia, bearing witness to this. Kallatis, apparently maintaining good
relationships with the local populations, also minted coins for the Skythian
king Ataias54. In the late 4th century BC Kallatis reached a leading position in
the region. This can be inferred from its role in the struggle against
Lysimachos in 313 BC: Kallatis allegedly liberated it’s neighbouring cities
and united the Skythians and Thrakians inhabiting the region (Isaac 1986,
265; Preda 1968, 8).
From the Hellenistic period on more information is available for Kallatis.
Inscriptions concerning cults and political institutions point to similarities
with other Megarian centra. It is said Kallatis was founded by Herakleia
Pontika, and it was Herakles who was worshipped as ktistès. The most important god was, as in other Megarian centra, the Pythian Apollo (Isaac 1986 263264; Avram 1996, 304-305).
2.2.2. The necropolis of Kallatis
The earliest discoveries were made in the years 1920 – 1930 by Th. SauciucSăveanu. The 2 graves he found belonged to the tile-type, and, because of
their lack of gifts, attributed to poor people and left devoid of much discussion (Sauciuc-Săveanu 1938b, 285-287). In the following years more graves
of the so-called tomb and tumulus type were found55. With one exception
these graves have not been properly dated. Because most graves had been
plundered, nothing is known about the grave gifts and ceremonies56.
During the 1930’s research in the necropolis was undertaken by R. Vulpe and
V. Dumitrescu (Preda 1968, 21, 28-31).
In 1949 and 1950 the Histrian research team under supervision of E.
Condurachi carried out some borings in the necropolis of Kallatis. The graves
found during this campaign were dated in the 3rd and 2nd centuries BC. The
results were briefly published in SCIV57.
The necropolis from the classical and Hellenistic epochs seems to have been
situated in the northern part of the citadel, with one side closely bordering the
defensive wall. The extent has been estimated to more than 400m in the eastwestern direction and circa 700 m from north to south. Especially in the cen54
Preda 1968, 7. For a short note on the Kallatian mints: Avram 1991, 105. For the ceramic
production of Kallatis see: Hind 1984, 75.
55
Sauciuc-Săveanu 1941, 227-229; Sauciuc-Săveanu 1945, 243-258 and 265-266.
56
The exception can be found in the schematic summery. See Vulpe 1938.
57
Preda 1961, 276 note 4, mentioned volumes I (1950), 85 and volume I, 2 (1951), 157.
SCIV (Studii si Cercetari de Istorie Veche) seems to be unknown in this part of Europe.
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Fig. 8. Location of the 1972 campaign in Kallatis (Preda 1975, fig.1).
tral and western sectors research was undertaken during the 1950s and 1960s
(Preda 1961, 276; Preda 1968, 28-31). Outside Mangalia several tumuli, dated
to the Hellenistic and Roman periods, have been found. Also on the west border of the city, nearby the necropolis of the Roman and Byzantine periods, a
necropolis composed of tumuli has been found58. Some of these graves could
be dated to the Greek epochs, the others represent more recent phases. This
necropolis however has not been properly studied. Some of the tumuli in the
vicinity of Mangalia were constructed following Makedonian examples; they
probably date to the 3rd century BC.
In 1959-1960 large scale construction works were executed in Mangalia.
These works were preceded by archaeological research concentrating on the
defensive wall and the necropolis of the Greek period, the emergency of the
research resulted in a lack of methodology (Preda 1961). Also in 1970 con58
Preda 1968, 33-36. Preda did not discuss the tumuli in more detail, they will not be, for
this reason, inserted in the schematic summary. Some of the tumuli have been briefly discussed in: Sauciuc-Săveanu 1941, 223-233; Sauciuc-Săveanu 1945, 243-258 and 265-266. Some
of these graves have also been mentioned by Avram 1991, 120-122; Vulpe 1938.
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structive works extra muros of Mangalia led to the discovery of a grave, a cremation in a kalpis deposited in a stone cist (Zavatin-Coman 1972). In 1972,
two emergency field campaigns in the necropolis were undertaken by the
Archaeological Museum of Constant,a and the Archaeological Institute of
Bucharest. The first campaign took place in February 1972; the second in the
period 15th August-30th November 1972. During the second campaign superficial observations have been made. Between 1973 and 1980 further research
in the southern zone extra muros of the ancient city of Kallatis was carried out
because of more infrastructural works. Most of the graves discovered during
this campaign corresponded to the types described in earlier campaigns (Fig.
8). More recently, on the 30th of April 1981 a stone tomb from an already
known type was discovered59.
The research of the graves has contributed to the knowledge of the ancient life
in Kallatis; the suggestion of a period of cultural prosperity during the 4th and
3rd centuries BC could be confirmated because of the wealth of some of the
inventories of the graves (Preda 1961, 303). As yet no general publication on
the graves and grave gifts as for Histria and Apollonia Pontika has appeared.
Research revealed that all of the inhumation graves were graves corresponding to one of the following types (Preda 1961, 276-298; Preda 1968, 28-31;
see Appendix):
• simple pit grave (inhum. P): is observed to be of the most frequent type.
Probably the dead body was deposited in a wooden coffin, but none of
these have been preserved. The bodies were found at a depth of 0,5m à 1m.
Usually the deceased was placed on his back in an east-western position.
The ritual has been found elsewhere and remained in use during the
Roman period. The gifts of this type of grave are usually poor and sometimes completely absent.
• inhumations in an amphora (inhum. A): represents a type hitherto
unknown in Kallatis or elsewhere in Dobruja and Dakia. Graves G.7 and
G.8 consist of an amphora broken into pieces. The body, belonging to a
child less than than 2 years old, had been put inside the amphora and subsequently covered with the other sherds of the vessel. The amphorae could
not be dated properly but are usually placed in the 4th century BC.
• tile graves (inhum. T): are considered to have been an important category
of the graves of the classical and Hellenistic periods in Kallatis. The tiles
are placed in a vertical position. Some of them bear stamps with inscriptions and emblemata. The position and orientation of the body is the same
as in the pit graves. The grave gifts however are more varied and more
rich.
• stone tombs (inhum. ST): are more complex in construction than the pre59
Bârlădeanu-Zavatin 1985. See further in the Appendix.
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ceding types. Some of these graves are cist graves, The orientation and
position of the body is the same as noted in the other types of graves. The
grave gifts are of a rather poor character. The other graves of this group
can be considered as a subcategory because of their construction with massive stone blocks which were only roughly worked on the inside of the
grave and the joints. The body had been placed on its back with its head to
the east and the feet to the west. The graves had different contents, and one
contained a papyrus.
In the category of cremation graves also different types were discerned by C.
Preda (Preda 1961, 298-300)60:
• simple cremation graves (cremat.): were composed of a pyre, of oval form,
with a depth of circa 0,3m. Most of the remains of the body, charcoal and
ashes were preserved. Only few gifts accompanied the body: an iron strigil
and a small vessel which imitates an amphora.
• cremation remains in an amphora found next to the pyre (cremat. A): was
found only once and is badly known because of a later disturbance.
• cremation remains found elsewhere (cremat. A): was found more often,
some near the grave with the papyrus. Besides the bones, no other remains
were found inside the urns. The amphorae which served as urns could all
be dated in the 4th and 3rd centuries AD. One exception is the amphora
from grave G.16, which was dated in the mid-4th century BC.
• collective cremation grave (cremat. C): an exceptional find in Kallatis; 3
pyres, of a known type (a depth of 0,3m and of oval from) and containing
bones and ashes, surrounded by a stone platform. The remains suggest that
the deceased had been laid out in an east-west position on the pyre. A great
number of ceramical fragments, two iron strigileis, and a small vessel imitating an amphora, two unidentifiable bronze objects and the remains of a
bronze diadem accompanied the deceased. The grave was provided with a
stone construction (12m x 6m), which was erected after the ceremony of
the burning of the body; No tumulus has been found, but a stone construction indicates its existence. The dating is difficult because of the lack
of datable objects. Possibly the grave can be placed at the end of the 4th
century BC (Preda 1961, 299-300).
Later archaeological research (see overview supra) brought more graves to
light. These all seem to fit in the typology proposed by Constantin Preda.
Bârlădeanu-Zavatin also pointed out the absence of weapons in the Kallatian
graves. In a rare case a knife or arrow head was given to the deceased
(Bârlădeanu-Zavatin 1980, 237-239).
60
During the campaign 1973-1980 a new type was discovered, which has not been known
by Preda: for the cremation in a tile grave: see Appendix. The urn was protected by two tiles
(Bârlădeanu-Zavatin 1980, 231).
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Some of the Kallatian graves show a striking richness in construction and contents, which has been interpreted in terms of a high social position of its
owner. Grave G.20 belonged to a 2 years old girl. She was deposed in a tile
grave. Remains of wood and nails suggest the possible presence of a coffin.
Around the body many gifts were found. The gifts and the tiles point to a date
in the middle or third quarter of the 4th century BC (Preda 1961, 282-293).
Another grave is the so-called grave with the papyrus. It was covered by a
tumulus with a dimension of 13m x 15m. The actual grave was constructed in
the centre of the circle. In the grave a papyrus was found, but too badly preserved to be read. This complex has been dated in the 2nd quarter of the 4th
century BC (Preda 1961, 295-297; Preda 1968, 29-30). In 1970 a rich cremation in a kalpis was discovered (see overview supra) (Zavatin-Coman 1972,
271-280).
2.2.3. Ethnicity in Kallatis
When considering the different components of the Kallatian graves some
observations concerning ethnic identity can be made.
The majority of the Kallatian graves belonged to the group of inhumations in
a simple pit. The scholars working in Kallatis attributed this ritual to the
Greeks inhabitants of Kallatis, although other research brought to light inhumation graves which seem to have belonged to the Thrakian tradition (Simion
1998, 168-169; Kilitanova-Komitova 1985, 136). The usual orientation of the
body in the Kallatian graves had been east-west, and sometimes west-east.
One grave with a north-south orientated body was seen as un-Greek. Why this
interpretation was made has not been explained (Preda and Georgescu 1975,
61-74). The contracted position of the dead body, as opposed to a dorsal position, has been interpreted as Geto-Dakian by the Kallatian research. A similar
position has been found in the northern Danube region, the northern Pontic
area, Bronze Age Thrakia, and also in Geometric Greece61. Inhumations in an
amphora, tile graves and stone tombs, are widely known from elsewhere in
the Greek colonies in the Black Sea area and Greece (Preda 1961, 276-298;
Kurtz and Boardman 1971, 190-193). The cremation ritual has traditionally
been considered as Thrakian; it has also been found in Greek funeral.
Cremations were less frequent in Kallatis, but the rite has been practiced. The
pit with a bathtub form has not been found anywhere in the local traditions
however (Preda 1961, 300-302).
The vessels in the graves could be traced to different Greek productions; the
same can be said about the metal objects (with exception of a few Skythian
arrow heads).
Some of the graves have displayed components which can at first sight be
61
Preda 1961, 276-300; Kurtz/Boardman 1971, 193, who consider this body position as
non-Greek.
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seen as “anomalous” in comparison to Greek habits described in traditional
research: the grave found in 1930 (orientation), G.6 (cremation), G.16 (cremation), M.17 (from campaign 1992a) (orientation), M.46 (campaign 1972b),
M.2 (campaign 1973-1980) (orientation), G.3 (Skythian arrow heads), G.4
(contracted inhumation), M.8 (contracted inhumation, north-south orientated). None of these graves seem to show major differences. Some components
can, possibly, be seen as related to a local tradition. Diversity can be said to
rule Kallatian burial rituals; “greekness” seems to have been most present.
Kallatis has not been searched fully. Possibilities for a contextual comparison
are therefore limited.
The name Kallatis has possibly a local origin but there are no indications for
a local settlement prior to the Greek colonisation. Material indications for
intensive contacts are absent during the existence of the colony too.
Historically it is known that Kallatis minted coins for the Skythian king
Ataias, and this can be considered as an indication of contact.
Herakles was honoured as ktistès. Some researchers consider especially
Herakles to have figured as an expression of Greek ethnicity, following an
instrumental definition of ethnicity (ethnicity based on a common myth of
descent and a territory)62. It can be said that clear indications of expression of
ethnic identity, following the instrumental definition of ethnicity, can be
found.
In the initial study of the necropolis of Kallatis it was concluded that it was
not possible to identify the local population in the grave ritual. Kallatis had
been inhabited by Greeks or hellenised Geto-Dakians. Later research concluded that some of the rituals and grave gifts and the location of the grave (of
the late 4th-early 3rd century BC) pointed to a local presence (BârlădeanuZavatin 1985, 237-239). Considering the formal parallels however, no major
correlations with local habits, possibly the expression of ethnic identity, can
be found. A tumuli-necropolis dated in the Greek periods has not been properly studied. A proper study of Kallatis may cause a shift in the understanding
of the Kallatian funeral habits (Preda 1968, 33-36).
Some burials of the analysed parts of the necropolis may possibly be considered as the result of hybridisation. Perhaps the formal anomalies in the
“Greek” cemetery do point to a local presence, but this presence can not be
considered to have been very distinctive – in material and probably in ethnic
terms – from the Greek one. A clear expression of any identity whatsoever
seems not to have been prominent. In an instrumental methodological perspective, the existence of the cult of Herakles ktistès can be taken as indication of the presence of a Kallatian ethnic identity, an identity which is with
difficulty recognised in other fields of the archaeological record.
62
224
Hall 1997, 2, 17; Malkin 1998, 2, 8; Malkin 2001, 9-10.
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2.3.
Pagina 225
Apollonia Pontika
2.3.1. Situating Apollonia Pontika
Situated on the Bulgarian coast of the Black Sea, Apollonia Pontika, in the
contemporary district of Burgas, has been built over by the modern city of
Sozopol (see also Fig. 2). According to the ancient sources the area was inhabited by the Astai63. According to Strabo (Str. VII, 6.1) the major part of the city
was situated on an isle in front of the coast, which may have been present day
Sveti Kyrikos. The Sozopol and Atiya peninsulae, too, were probably taken by
the Greek colonists. These last two places had port facilities which were of
vital importance for the city as is testified by the coins depicting a shrimp and
an anchor at one side and the head of Medusa on the other. Apollonia was
excellently situated for ships on their way to Histria and Olbia; the southern
coastline of Apollonia was unfit for anchoring and its population did not welcome strangers as Xenophon (X. An.VII, 5) testified64.
For the foundation of Apollonia it is Pseudo-Skymnos who gives the most
important literary testimony. He stated that Apollonia was founded by
Milesians 50 years before the rule of the Persian Cyrus, i.e. in the last decade
of the 7th century BC. According to Aelian (Ael. VH 3.17), the Ionian philosopher Anaximander acted as oikistes; in the 2nd year of the 58th Olympiad,
Anaximander was 64 years old according to Diogenes Laërtios, and consequently he was born in 611 BC. Archaeological finds seem to point to a foundation date around 610 BC65. Important for the dating of the early phases of
Apollonia Pontika was the discovery of an oinochoe in 1904. This Wild Goat
Style oinochoe has been attributed to the last decade of the 7th century; two
Bird dishes can be dated around 600 BC. It is possible, according to Lazarov,
that Apollonia was not founded before the last decade of the 7th century BC.
No substantial research in the oldest part of town has been done however.
Some materials of the late Bronze Age and Iron Age have also been reported
(Lazarov 1998, 87-88).
Because Apollonia has been built over by the modern city of Sozopol, no large
scale research has been undertaken. Especially the necropoleis are an exception to this. In 1927 works in the harbour of Sozopol brought to light remains
of the ancient life of the city. Mainly ceramics (Ionian, Rhodian and Samian)
and fragments of tomb stones were found. In the following decades different
zones of the city were archaeologically explored, mostly on an accidental
base. Major discoveries were not made. In 1946 systematic research in the
See further: Hind 1993, 84-85.
De Boer /Stronk 2002, 233-238; Hodinott 1975, 33; Isaac 1986, 241-242.
65
Ivanov 1984, 123; Avram 1996, 299; Lazarov 1998, 86; Tsetskhladze 1998, 35;
Nedev/Panayotova 2003, 96-98.
63
64
225
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necropolis has been started and in 1961 an archaic necropolis was found66. In
the last 30 years underwater research along the coast and he harbour has been
carried out. More recently 6th century BC habitation remains have been found
on the peninsulae where the oldest core of the city was situated67.
In the 6th/5th centuries Apollonia was a flourishing trading city. Apollonia
traded mainly with Athens, as is testified by the many Athenian products
which have been found in Apollonia (Venedikov 1962-63b, 391-392).
A decree found in Histria testified to the strong ties between the two cities.
Little is generally known of the Apollonian institutions. Inscriptions seem to
point to the presence of Apollo Iètros, Artemis Pythia, Hestia, Gè Chtonia,
Dionysos and Kybele in the pantheon of Apollonia Pontika (Isaac 1986, 247).
2.3.2. The necropolis of Apollonia Pontika
A necropolis composed of flat graves was found near the modern road leading from the isthmus of Apollonia to the inland, actually consisting of two
roads, one northern to Burgas and a southern one near the beach and the
Maritime Garden68. The necropolis encompasses an area of 5 km along the
coast, bordering Kavasite, a region south of Sozopol. The northern border was
formed by a small river near the camping site of Gradina. The western border
is formed by the funerary remains, of different periods, running through the
zones of Mapite, Sharlan Bair and Peychov Most.
The first research in the necropolis was undertaken in 1885 by the Greek consul in Bourgas, M. Gomfas. He excavated some tumuli near the peninsulae, in
Kolokita. The tumuli were attributed to the 6th and 5th centuries BC and
belonged to the local Thrakian aristocracy, according to the researchers69. The
results of this and also the subsequent research of the French consul in
Plovdiv in Apollonia and surroundings were published by G. Seure in 1924
(Lazarov 1998, 87; Seure 1924, 317-349). The graves, flat graves and tumuli,
were discussed in detail by Seure. He appointed different zones of the necropolis to the different populations living in Apollonia and the surroundings
(Greeks, Romans, and Thrakians). The flat graves were attributed to the Greek
colonists by Seure, the tumuli to the Thrakians, although Seure had noticed
the “mixed“ Greek-Thrakian character of the ritual in the tumulus of Mapès,
which should consequently be described as “mixhellenic” (Seure 1924, 327).
On other occasions several graves have were discovered too (Nedev/
Panayotova 2003, 124).
66
The author (Lazarov 1998, 87) did not give further references, publications concerning
this necropolis seem to be unknown in the West.
67
Panayotova 1998, 97; Nedev/Panayotova 2003, 97-99, on the remains of the archaic period. A more elaborated overview of the discoveries in modern Sozopol is to be found in:
Nedev/Panayotova 2003.
68
For the location of the necropolis: Venedikov 1962-63a, 7-9; Panayotova 1998, 97.
69
Tzaneva 1982, 198. Panayotova on the contrary mentions neither results nor location of
these excavations: Nedev/Panayotova 2003, 123.
226
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In 1946 some excavations were undertaken in a zone, called Kalfata. In the
three following years these investigations were extended. In 1949 excavations
took place in the zone of the Maritime Garden, and many graves came to
light. This so-called southern necropolis, which is considered as the continuation of the Kalfata necropolis, stretches under the gardens and houses which
have been built nearby. The excavations in the Apollonian necropolis were
executed under the supervision of I. Venedikov. But other scholars and the
Museum of Burgas were involved too. In different campaigns some zones
were examined, whereby 768 graves from different periods were discovered70.
Between 1972 and 1980 the topography of the necropolis was extensively
searched. In the beginning mostly loose finds were registered. From 1973 on
systematic excavations were started in Harmanite, the new part of the city.
This examination of the necropolis formed a part of the lager project
Apollonia – Strandz̆a, which was executed under the leadership of A. Fol; I.
Venedikov also took part in the research. One of the goals of this project was to
gain insight into the relation between the Milesian polis and the local Thrakian
settlement of Malkoto Kale, and the research into the megalithic monuments,
the coastal and inland (Caneva 1980, 447-448). During the research the extension of the necropolis could be determined more precisely. Probably the
necropolis was composed of different necropoleis dated in the same period,
with the exception of the necropolis found in the zone of the Maritime Garden,
which was in use during the 3rd and the 2nd centuries BC. The other necropoleis could be placed in the 6th century until the first decades of the 3rd century BC. During the excavation campaigns of the 1970s-1980s 150 graves
were found which could be attributed by their construction methods, ritual and
gifts to the traditions which had been observed by I. Venedikov during his
earlier research.
Building activities in a zone 500m north of the zone of the necropolis which
was excavated during the campaign of the 1940’s made emergency excavations necessary. In the period 1972-1974 another 72 graves and other remains
relating to funerary rituals, fire places, vessel- and amphora depositions and
stone structures, were examined. These graves also belonged to the already
known types according to the researchers71.
These several researches have allowed an interpretation of the funeral habits
70
In zone I (1947) the graves with the numbers 1 until 196 were analysed (Venedikov 196263a, 17-29), in II (1949) numbers 197-303 (idem, 29-37), in III (1948) graves 304-330 (idem,
37-38), in IV (1949) graves 331-342 (idem, 38-39), in V (1948) graves 343-398 (idem, 39-45),
in VI (1948) graves 399-419 (idem, 45-47), in VII (1948) 420-450 (idem, 47-49), in VIII
(1948) 451-513 (idem, 49-51), in IX (1948) 514-583 (idem, 51-54), in X (1947) 584-664
(idem, 54-58), in XI (1948) 665-674 (idem, 58), in XII (1949) 675-679 (idem, 58-59), in XIII
(1949) 680-696 (idem, 60), in XIV (1949) 697-714 (idem, 61), in XV (1949) 715-737 (idem,
62-63), XVI (1949) 738-753 (idem, 63), in XVII (1949) 754-768 (idem, 64).
71
Panayotova 1998, 100; for a general overview: Nedev/Panayotova 2003, 123-126.
227
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of the inhabitants of Apollonia72. I. Venedikov proposed a typology of the
graves based on the discoveries of his research; K. Panayotova refined this
typology on the basis of the results of the emergency excavations in the years
following the initial publication. The funerary gifts have also been extensively published, making clear the important role of the imports from Attica73.
The most frequent ritual in Apolllonia has been inhumation. The dead were
disposed of in a pit with an average depth of 1,2m à 1,4m. No secondary burials were found. A limited number of cremations has also been discovered
(Venedikov 1962-63a, 9-16). No major social divisions seem to have played
an important role in Apollonia, only in some cases the wealth of the dead had
been exposed, and in some cases the slavedom of the dead could be deduced
from the presence of the remnants of a chain. Judging from the structures,
some of the tombs seem to have been intended as family plots74.
The inhumation burials are subdivided into four groups. To the first group
belong the burials with the body placed in a dorsal position in the grave. The
group is divided in four different types75. A dorsal position occurred in 95% of
the cases; usually the hands had been placed along the body, although in some
cases the left or the right hand was resting on the chest. No rules seem to have
played a role in this. The body, in most cases, was deposed in a wooden coffin, which could have been assembled in two different ways: assembled (without nails) or with nails.
An assembled coffin was found in graves 153, 185, 299, 300, 302, 303, 342,
383, 385, 389, 390, 392, 395, 396, 398, 450, and 511. This type of coffin was
most probably also used in other graves, but no evidence of them have been
recorded. The remains found in grave 303 allowed a reconstruction of this type
of coffin: the vertical section had a pentagonal form, the horizontal section a
hexagonal form. No nails were used by the assemblation of the coffins; probably most of the coffins had a similar form. The existence of the nailed joints
in the planking of the coffins has been deduced by the presence of nails in
some of the graves.
Up to 22 stone tombs have also been found in Apollonia’s necropolis
(Venedikov 1962-63a ). Only in one case (grave 368) the bottom had been
paved. The graves of this type were covered by 3-5 plates. The joints and the
insides of the stones had been carefully polished. The other side had been left
rough. Finally the tomb had been covered by small stones or sand. The type
of stone used in Apollonia was local sandstone of inferior quality.
72
For the necropolis of Apollonia: Venedikov 1962-1963a; Caneva 1980; Panayotova 1998;
Hoddinott 1975, 34-40; Tzaneva 1982, 198-200; Ivanov 1984, 125; Hind 1984, 72;
Nedev/Panayotova 2003.
73
In Venedikov 1962-63a; the gifts will not be extensively discussed here.
74
Such family plots have been found in the excavations of Venedikov and were also discussed by Panayotova 1998; Nedev/Panayotova 2003, 128.
75
The inhumation graves are discussed in Venedikov 1962-63a, 9-14.
228
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Tile type graves were found in the burials 30, 62, 63, 77, 90, 91, 103, 176,
181, 206, 282, 350, 378, 419, 517, 522, 532, 540, 542, 555, 566, 581, 607,
613, 620, 626, 667, 678, 681, and 768. After the body had been deposited in
the pit, the grave had been covered by tiles. Usually four tiles met the needs
of an adult’s grave. The concept of tile graves 103 and 462 was somewhat different: in contrast to the other tile graves they had not been filled completely
with sand; 14 tiles had been used for the construction of the grave, which had
the form of a sarcophagus with a wooden coffin deposited on the floor of the
grave. Tile graves occurred most frequently after the second half of the 4th
century BC. Possibly this type represented a ritual which already occurred
during the 5th century BC.
The second group of the inhumation burials is made out of the burials with a
body laid out in a foetal position. This type of deposition however did not
often occur in Apollonia. The bowed knees and elbow touched each other, the
fists placed in front of the chin. This body position was found in graves 28,
387, and 468. In graves 202 and 271 the knees were bowed, but the arms were
laid along the body.
A third group of the inhumation graves is made out of the burials in a pithos.
This type dates back to the same period as the tile graves. A pithos was used
for the burial of a person who had a maximal height corresponding to the
same height as the pithos, usually a child. This burial type was observed in
graves 219, 334, 379, 601, 605, and 623. The pithos was usually buried at a
low depth and was quite often damaged, resulting in the loss of its upper side
and the body under it.
Burials in an amphora make out the last group of the different types of inhumation graves according to the typology proposed by Venedikov (Venedikov
1962-63a ). This type of burial was used for the smallest children, and was
found in graves 34, 91, 308, 365, 457, 461, 483, and 606. The ritual should be
dated to the same period as the tile graves and the burials in a pithos (after the
second half of the 4th century BC). As was the case with the burials in a
pithos, the amphorae have been badly conserved.
Based on the results of more recent emergency excavations (see supra), K.
Panayotova has proposed a refinement of the typology of Venedikov76.
Type 1 – pit graves consist of a simple pit dug out in the ground. This type
was the most frequent (56 graves of the campaign). The size of the pit depended on the size of the deceased. This type is divided into more variants.
Variant 1 was most frequent (28 graves) and devoid of any durable construction or gift. This type is the most characteristic in Apollonia, as it was in the
other Greek colonies along the Black Sea coast. Variant 2 consists of a pit with
walls covered with 1-3 stones (six graves). Variant 3 has a small wall at one
76
Panayotova 1998; Nedev/Panayotova 2003, 127-130.
229
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of its sides. It was made of a few stones, which were joined without mortar.
This type was found in six graves.
Variant 4 was, as variant 3, provided with a stone wall, although this type showed
two or three constructed walls, composed of one layer of stones. Variant 4 was
attested in two graves. Variant 5 consists of a pit which was partially or completely covered with hewn stones (11 graves). Variant 6 occurred only once and
consists of a pit which was completely covered by a sand stone of local origin.
Type 2 – tile grave: discovered in six graves. According to the order of the tiles
two types are discerned: variant 1 (four graves) is composed of the graves
with a double pitched roof. Variant 2 of type 2 is represented by two graves.
The tiles are placed in a vertical position in order to create a sarcophagus.
Rough stones were used for the construction of the roof. The tiles were placed
vertically or sloping; they were fixed with stones.
Type 3 – stone tombs are characterised by the organisation of their space. On
the basis of material and construction, two types have been discerned. Variant
1 (grave 12) is composed of roughly and partially worked stones. The base of
a stele and two other stelai were used in the construction of the side walls.
Variant 2 (four graves) had been constructed with lime plates. In grave 50 the
floor was also covered by plates. The blocks had been finely worked and were
well-fitting. The size of the graves depended on the size of the body whom the
grave had been constructed for.
In the cremation graves it could be observed that the pyre had been constructed at another place than the actual burial. The remains had been deposited in a
ceramic urn (graves 333, 357, 358, 402, 478, and 675), in one case in a painted krater (grave 227) and in another case in a stone cylindrical urn with lid
(grave 244). The ceramic urns have been divided, according to their form, in
two groups. No cremation graves dated to the 5th or the first half of the 4th
centuries BC have been found, a fact which should be seen as important in
view of the importance of the ritual elsewhere. In the recent emergency excavation seven cremation graves were found, in one case the burning had
occurred on the same place as the burial. In the other cases the remains had
been deposited in an urn covered by a bowl, cup or a piece of an amphora.
The urn had been supported by some stones. Although the cremation graves
were found in between inhumation graves they seem to have clustered in two
zones (Panayotova 1998, 100-102).
During the recent emergency digs a cenotaph has been found and inserted in
the typology. It was constructed between two standing stelai, with the gifts
deposited in between: six oinochoés, a jug, and fragments of locally produced
ceramic forms, a terracotta depicting a bull’s head and a lead bucranium were
deposited in the empty grave77.
77
132.
230
Panayotova 1998, 102. Other cenotaphs have been found too: Nedev/Panayotova 2003,
pag 187-268
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The gifts had been deposited in several ways: in the cremation graves they had
been laid near or inside the urn. In inhumation graves the gifts usually had
been placed next to the body, close to the waist of the deceased. Also outside
the graves gifts were deposited. These gifts are usually seen as connected with
post-burial rituals. The graves are divided into three major chronological groups
(with some subgroups) according to the gifts they contained: 460-360 BC, 360290 BC, and 290-175 BC. The first period is characterised by the abundance of
imported Attic ceramics. In the second period Attic imports are also present, but
they are hardly found in the third period, which seems in general to have been
poorer78. The ceramics deposited in the graves comprised different forms: aryballoi and lekythoi were abundant, as were locally produced jugs. The Attic
imports were represented by bowls, small bowls (salt cellar type), kylikes,
oinochoés and lekanes; some oinochoés had been locally produced. Besides
vessels, terracotta figurines are common gifts too. They were produced locally and represented animals, and humans. Metal gifts were not often given to
the dead. Small bronze coins, strigiles and mirrors were most frequent. Also
present were needles, and fibulae of the so-called Thrakian type. Weapons and
tools seem to have been virtually absent, though a few arrow heads of the
Skythian type have been found. Among the other gifts beads (of clay, glass,
bronze, shell or bone), astragaloi (usually from 1-5 up to 125) and funerary
diadems have been found. In general, a major differentiation based on the display of wealth in the graves has not been observed in the necropolis of
Apollonia.
A special category of gifts is represented by those objects which have been
found outside the graves: in between the graves, near or above the graves, in
depositions of amphorae or ritual fire places79. I. Venedikov uses the term ritual
fire place to indicate fire places containing ashes, cinders and fragments of
plates which were found in the Kalfata. The fire places had different sizes but
had been used only once. The remains found in the fire places were all similar: shapes which have also been found in the graves and forms which had not
been deposited in the graves (Attic fish plates and grills to bake fish). Of all
the western Pontic Greek colonies, such grills have only been found in the
Kalfata necropolis and in a tumulus near Cape Kolokita. The grills are roughly made out of clay, and knew a limited distribution in space and time (2nd
half of the 4th century BC in Apollonia Pontika). Their meaning had not been
clear initially. They were seen as model of a boat and a sole of a shoe. The
association of the grills with the fish plates in the first research and in the
78
On the gifts in the Apollonian graves: Vendikov 1962-63a; Nedev/Panayotova 2003, 132137. The gifts found during the campaign 1946-1949 have been discussed separately: (I, 1947)
Venedikov 1962-63a, 26; (II, 1949) idem, 35; (III, 1948) idem, 38; (IV, 1949) idem, 39; (V,
1948) idem, 44; (VI, 1948) idem, 47; (VII, 1948) idem, 49; (VIII, 1948) idem, 51; (IX, 1948)
idem, 54; (X, 1947) idem, 58; (XIII, 1949) idem, 60.
79
On the post-burial rites: Panayotova 1998, 104-106; Nedev/Panayotova 2003, 138-139.
231
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recent emergency excavations confirms however the use of the grills in rituals related to the dead. Besides the ceramics, food remains (animal bones, carbonized nuts and grape pits) were also present.
2.3.3. Ethnicity in Apollonia Pontika
From the comparison of the different components of the typology of the graves
it can be concluded that the inhumations in a coffin, stone tomb, tile grave,
pithos and amphora belong to types known in the Greek world (Kurtz/Boardman 1971, 188-196; Panayotova 1998, 100-101). Some inhumations in a foetal
position have been found, as in Kallatis. This position has also been called
Hocker position and has been found in other Greek necropoleis, although from
an earlier period than studied here. Among the nomadic people of the northern Pontic steppe area, this position was used sometimes, but not exclusively
(Petersen 2004, 5). Cremation did not occur often. I. Venedikov states that the
cremation ritual was commonly used in Thrakia80. As was mentioned above
inhumation as a ritual was also practised in Thrakia.
Concerning the grave gifts it has to be noted that many graves were deprived
of any gift at all. Only very few graves can be called “rich” (graves 150, 283,
and 389). Greek ceramic forms were most common, as were other Greek
objects (mints, strigiles, beads, …). Sometimes a locally made group of vessels (grey or red-grey) has been attributed to the Thrakian populations of
Apollonia. Venedikov states, however, that this group has also been used by
the Greeks of Apollonia, besides the more elaborated painted forms
(Venedikov 1962-63b, 394). The fibulae found differ little from the examples
found in the interior of Thrakia. Fibulae had been unknown in the Greek
world in this period. Needles were also given to the dead. They seem to have
served the same purposes as the fibulae of the so-called Thrakian type. A simple correlation between product and producer can not be made, as is shown
by the discovery in the northern Pontic area of moulds for the production of
objects in the Animal style81. In two graves an iron spearhead was deposited.
In one case (grave 30) two Greek ceramic vessels had been given to the dead
too. In the second case the dead had been given a coin. The ritual used was
the inhumation in a simple pit. Recent research has only found two bronze
arrow heads; they belong to the Skythian type and resemble another one
found earlier (Panayotova 1998, 104). The associated ritual was not mentioned in the publication. Generally, few weapons seem to have been given to
the dead.
In a short period of time (2nd half of the 4th century) some grills had been left
in ritual fire places. The grills can not be compared to anything comparable in
the Greek, nor in the Thrakian world. They are seen as typically local. The fire
places correspond to ritual known in the Greek and the Thrakian world.
80
81
232
Venedikov 1962-63b, 394. Compare: Preda 1961, 300-302; Coja 1990, 164.
Tsetskhladze 2000. See also Tsetskhladze 2002, 84-86 for references.
pag 187-268
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Formal comparison of the components of the graves as they have been observed in the typology points to the following conclusions:
The cremation graves can possibly be seen as belonging to local rituals, but
they were known in the Greek world too. They occur only from the second
half of the 4th century BC on. The ritual seems to have been concentrated in
two zones of the necropolis (Panayotova 1998, 102). 16 cremation graves
have been counted in the period under consideration (the campaigns of the
1940s and the recent campaign). During the first research 9 cremation graves
have been found; six did not have any gifts. The other three graves contained:
(1) besides the urn (krater) a grey vessel, (2) a stone urn and (3) an alabastron.
For the more recent investigations the association between grave and gifts has
not been published.
In 5 graves of the campaign in the 1940s a foetal position could be observed,
for the recent research this has been recorded in five cases. In none of the
1940s 5 graves gifts are present. In the recent research it has been concluded
that these graves should not be considered as a distinct group, because of the
lack of any other specific characteristics (Panayotova 1998, 102). It is not
clear whether this means that no grave gifts had been found. The fibulae are
not known as a Greek type. During the 1940s campaign fibulae were only
been found in 13 graves. In six cases it was the only gift. In 3 other cases
another metal gift had been given too (and in one grave also a ceramic figurine), in two cases one ceramic bowl, and in grave a diadem was found
besides the fibula. Grave 283 contained many gifts and can be considered to
be “rich”. A correlation of these gifts with the orientation of the grave seems
to be absent: eight north-east orientations (which were dominant for 1/5 in the
whole cemetery), one south-east, one south-west, two east and one west.
Generally the western and southern orientation occurred less frequently: 21 and
32 times for the selected period respectively. The eastern and south-eastern
orientation is widespread (104 and 81 times), although less common than the
north-eastern (noted for 141 graves of the selection). A pattern in the orientation of the graves seems to be absent. For the recent investigations figures have
as yet not been published.
In 9 graves of the 1940s campaign a needle was deposited in the grave. None
of these graves had been displaying a so-called Thrakian ritual. In one grave
a fibula was found too. Jewels were widespread in the necropolis of
Apollonia. There are no traces of a Thrakian ritual.
The ritual fire places with grills have been found in between other fire places
related to offerings to the dead. An association with one of the other components is unknown.
It can be concluded that most of the graves follow Greek traditions. Most
graves are simple in their construction and content. Some graves show
anomalies with regard to local traditions, but none of the graves express a
clear difference which can be seen as pointing to a Thrakian ethnicity.
Related to the archaeological remains of the Apollonian necropolis is the
233
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prosopographical study of the stelai found. The research of the 1940s brought
33 stelai of the 5th and 4th centuries BC to light. One Skythian and five
Thrakian names in combination with Greek names or patronyms could be
observed82.
Contextual comparisons in Apollonia are inevitably scarce because of the lack
of systematic research in Apollonia, except in the necropolis. Habitation
remains belong to the known types of the Pontic area (Nedev/Panayotova
2003). On a cultic level Apollo was important. This can be observed in the
city’s name and the monumental bronze statue which was made by the
Athenian sculptor Kalamis. It is not clear whether Apollo was worshipped as
ktistès. Some researchers consider in this context Apollo to have played an
important role in the Greek colonial movement (Graham 1983, 26; Dougherty
1993).
Although clear indications of ethnicity are absent in other contexts than the
funeral one, some sort of ethnic consciousness can be supposed to have existed. Such consciousness can be found in the name Apollonia and the relation
with Apollo. How this identity functioned is not clear. In the early research of
Apollonia it was stated that a Thrakian or a mixed Thrakian-Greek component
in the Apollonian population had been present instead of a pure Greek one
(Venedikov 1962-63b, 394). Venedikov noticed that the introduction of the
cremations only started in the second half of the 4th century BC. This is the
same period as the diffusion of the fibulae of the Thrakian type. The Greeks
had not used fibulae since the 6th century BC. The taste of the average
Apollonian regarding the jewels was not very different from the Thrakians,
said Venedikov (Venedikov 1962-63b, 394).
K. Panayotova describes the Apollonian necropolis as Greek, although she
mentions the characteristic presence of grave monuments which can be
attributed to the Thrakians (Panayotova 1998, 102). In the most recent study
considering the ethnicity observed in the Apollonian necropolis, J.H. Petersen
states that terms like “strictly Greek” or “local” have to be avoided. He points
to the cultural complexity proper to ethnic classifications. Therefore Petersen
has been looking for elements indicating cultural interaction, which would
have been low considering the evidence from the necropolis (Petersen 2004).
However, Petersen did not take into account the fibulae or needles, and he
failed to explain how exactly this cultural interaction had functioned.
Although the appearance of the cremation ritual and the Thrakian fibulae are
contemporaneous, this can not be interpreted as the arrival of a group of
Thrakians in the city, as was done in the study of the 1940s. None of the
graves displayed an exclusively Thrakian character which should have point82
Tsetskhladze 1998, 47; Isaac 1986, 246. Venedikov mentions only one name from the
5th/first half of the 4th century which can possibly be attributed to a Thrakian woman:
Venedikov 1962-63b, 394.
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ed to the presence of a group of people unfamiliar with the habits of the citizens. Possibly a hybrid character can be allotted to the graves. The presence
of the grills in the ritual fire places date to the same period as the change in
the grave ritual, so another explanation might be given to these local developments in terms of belief, or social position, or the expression of an identity
(family, corporation).
Inhumation graves with a body laid out in a foetal position have been found
in Kallatis, too. There are no gifts associated with the graves. Possibly a correlation can be made between grave ritual, descent, and the expression of ethnic identity, but further research is necessary.
The graves with metal jewels can, because of the absence of other indications,
not be attributed to the Thrakians. It is possible that a local producer was
working in Apollonia, but everybody may have appreciated and bought his
work, “Greeks” included. The graves in which the metal objects were found
rather point to a certain prosperity of the dead. Problems of the correlation
between fibulae and ethnicity have been discussed supra (1.3). The same can
be said about the spearheads and the arrow heads: active signalling of ethnicity is not clearly present.
Characteristic for the necropolis of Apollonia Pontika is its diversity. The
choice of the rituals and gifts presumably depended from religion, belief and
habit. Major differences in social position cannot be noticed. Some elements
in the funeral traditions can partially be related to similar Thrakian habits. A
distinct Greek versus Thrakian ethnic identity cannot be observed; instead,
hybridity and hybrid identity(-ies) seem to have been present.
3.
Conclusion: archaeology of ethnicity in the north-western Black Sea
area?
Although some scholars question the possibility of recognizing ethnicity in
archaeological contexts, its study produces significant results indeed. Methodology has only been superficially considered here and used in a simple analytic way, but it is clear that a critical attitude towards traditional views allows
for a more complex understanding of past societies. Local presence in the
Greek colonies can be assumed. In most cases complex relations resulting in a
varied pattern of material culture replace the traditional dichotomy resulting
from primordial representations of Greeks and Thrakians.
In Histria some of the elements present in the earliest graves may possibly be
related to local, Thrakian and other, traditions. But without further research in
the Histrian necropolis it is difficult to establish the specific Histrian tradition
in space and time and its relations on a formal level with existing traditions in
general. For the time being the hybrid character of the rituals has been
established. The term hybridisation is used to describe colonial encounters in
which, on a material and mental level, elements of different cultural traditions
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have been mixed to form a meaningful whole for the participating agents.
Because of the complex relations of interacting “Greeks” and “Thrakians”,
elements of both traditions probably were integrated into a whole which was
significant for those inhabiting Histria and its surroundings. The term hybridity can be used for the earliest graves of Histria and for the later ones, but
major differences in material traditions seem to have disappeared later.
In Kallatis the graves testify in the first place of certain wealth of the population; known “Greek” traditions are most present. Some anomalies, on a formal level related to local traditions, have also been noticed. Their meaning on
an ethnic level is difficult to establish. Before more clarity in the relations with
existing traditions can be established, primordial connotations of these graves
should be avoided to allow for a more complex understanding. Hybridity as a
general tendency seems not to have been as prominently present as it was in
Histria. Following the instrumental traditions in archaeological methodology,
a clear ethnic connotation can be found in the cult of Herakles ktistès. Other
indications of ethnic identity in Kallatis are clarified only with difficulty.
In contrast to the other necropoleis a lot of information is available for
Apollonia Pontika. At first sight the grave seems not to have been used for the
expression of an ethnic identity, neither for any other social identity. With a few
exceptions, none of the graves can be labelled “rich”. The richer graves containing some gifts are situated in the same location as the graves containing no
gifts, or even the remnants of a chain of the owner of the grave. Some elements
of some graves may be related to local traditions, but none of the components
seem to point to a significant expression of ethnic identity. The rituals of the
Apollonian necropolis testify in the first place to diversity. Computer manipulations of the many data should make it possible to discover patterns which are
now absent. Such a pattern could be analysed in a contextual way to establish
relations (or not) with other traditions.
The absence of some body parts in some of the graves has not been discussed.
It can not be inferred from the publications whether the absence of these body
parts is due to conservation or manipulation as a funerary ritual, as was practiced for example in Histria in the earliest periods. In Histria these manipulations can be considered to have been very meaningful, perhaps similar acts
governed the Apollonian rituals. Further research into this topic is necessary.
The three case studies demonstrate that it is necessary to avoid primordial
notions of ethnicity. Often such notions are accepted a priori by scholars,
which disables research into the social structures, particularly ethnicity,
because only three possibilities are accepted: “Greek”, “local” or a troublesome mixed form which can not be thoroughly described nor explained.
The core problem remains the possible interpretation which is given to the
objects in a specific historical situation. Possibly, signals of ethnicity exist but
they are difficult to recognize by the contemporary researcher. Despite the few
indications it can be assumed that each of the three poleis had its own ethnic
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identity. C. Morgan has related the existence of an ethnic identity to the
presence of a political framework (Morgan 2001). Morgan presents some
conditions which had to be fulfilled to establish the political framework: she
mentions the importance of a territory, a common myth of descent, the type
of political structure and the external relations maintained by the community.
The conditions for a political framework necessary for ethnic identity seem to
have been fulfilled in the three poleis. Some other indications of their particular
identity can be added: a name of their own and representative symbols, as has
been found for example on the coins; such symbols may point to a population
(or a part of it) which delineated the borders of the community and selected the
symbols which they thought to be representative of the whole of their society.
Different elements have been noticed during the research presented in this
paper which can be tied to a hybrid tradition. This hybrid tradition presents
a contrast to what J. Hall called the Greek aggregative self-definition, a selfdefinition which was formed from inside based on similarities. After the
Persian Wars, the Greek self-definition was based on characteristics, significantly opposing a barbaric other. This self-definition has been called the
opposed self-definition by J. Hall. It has generally been acknowledged that a
contested image of the barbarians existed in post-Persian War Athens. In the
cities of the western Black Sea Littoral no indications of a sharp contrast
between “Greeks” and “barbarians” seems to have been operating one way or
the other, as they were cultivated in Athens and used for the creation of the
Athenian ethnic identity in that period. Despite problems in the interpretation
of material culture, it can be doubted that the Athenian way of self-definition
can be attributed to archaeological data with their hybrid character as can be
seen in Histria, Kallatis and Apollonia Pontika. A definition of an all-encompassing Greek ethnicity in terms of an oppositional self-definition seems
therefore not to be correct.
Major differences between the notions Doric and Ionic in the western Black
Sea region seem not to have been working on a formal level. The similarities
of the funerary traditions of Apollonia Pontika and Kallatis, respectively
Ionian and Dorian, seem to have been less than between Apollonia and
Histria, both of Ionian origin. Moreover, Histria and Kallatis are situated more
closely to each other.
A precise definition of ethnicity in archaeology has not been commonly
acknowledged. Similarities, differences, descent, geographical and political
frameworks are separately, or in combination, considered to be of basic
importance for the understanding of ethnicity. Refined research of ethnicity is
therefore difficult. Detailed methodology has not been proposed for the
archaeological research of ethnicity. A regional survey of the funerary habits
in the Greek colonies, rural settlements and local centres can unequivocally
make clear which tradition had been in use, and where which ritual had been
a traditional habit, and which ritual was not. A statistic analysis of data might
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reveal patterns in the data. A consistent use of terms and names (Thrakian,
Getic, Geto-Dakian, Dakian, and Skythian) should make their application
meaningful and should consequently allow for a more detailed understanding.
A more precise understanding of ethnicity should enable a better understanding of this complex social phenomenon: the relationship of the data, obtained
by the instrumental and contextual angles, the first one criticised by the second one, are not clear on a theoretical level. Although an unambiguous understanding of the ethnicity of Histria, Kallatis and Apollonia Pontika could not
be presented, ethnicity has been proved at least to be a valuable analytic concept to demonstrate new understandings of traditional assertions of the coexistence between Greek colonists and local populations: this is more and
more recognised by scholars, for example M. Damyanov and J.H. Petersen
(Damyanov 2003; Petersen 2004). There is an enormous potential for future
research of ethnicity and a better understanding of past societies.
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APPENDIX
The schemes presented in the appendix are based on the reports referred to in
the text. Only reports providing sufficient information to allow for a classification have been included.
Following themes on the graves are presented: YEAR (indicating the year of
the campaign),
N° (number of the grave referred to in the original publication), DATE (date
attributed to the grave in the original publication), RITUAL (grave ritual
observed in the grave), GIFTS (objects found in the grave following the
scheme: number of objects, object, material, and supplementary comment),
COMMENT (supplementary information concerning the grave, its ritual or
construction).
Several abbreviations have been used:
244
pag 187-268
01-02-2007
09:42
Pagina 245
HISTRIA, N°:
• GR.: grave
Histria, DATE BC:
• c.: century
Histria, RIT.: ritual:
• cenot.: cenotaph
• cremat.: cremation
• inhum.: inhumation
• (for types JA and JB see 2.1.2
and Fig. 5)
Histria, GIFTS: the numbers
between brackets refer to the figures
in the original catalogue
• a: amphora
• alb.: albast
• alab.: alabastron
• aryb.: aryballos
• Att.: Attic
• b.c.: band cup
• cookw.: cookware
• fikk.: fikkelura
• fun.: funeral
• hm: handmade
• Ion.: Ionian
• kanth.: kantharos
• krat.: krater
• Kor.: Korinthian
• kx: kylix
• laos: lagynos
• lne: lekanes
• lekyt.: lekythos
• mini: miniature
• oe: oenochoe
• periph.: peripheral
• pke: pelike
• pl: plate
• pr: pitcher
• Rhod.: Rhodian
• sk: skyphos
• Thrak.: Thrakian
• uum: unguentarium
• wm: wheelmade
Histria, COMMENT:
• periph.: peripheral
KALLATIS, N°:
• G. number: grave - as referred
to in the text
• M. number: tumulus - as
referred to in the original publication
Kallatis, DATE: see Histria
• Greek: date given in the original publication (not specified)
Kallatis, RIT.: ritual:
• cremat.: simple cremation
grave
• cremat. A: cremation in an
amphora
• cremat. C: collective cremation grave
• cremat. K: cremation in a
kalpis
• cremat. T: cremation in a tile
grave
• inhum. A: inhumation in an
amphora
• inhum. P: inhumation in a pit
• inhum. ST: inhumation in a
stone tombe
• inhum. T: inhumation in a tile
grave
Kallatis, GIFTS: see Histria
• Thas.: Thasian
APOLLONIA PONTIKA, I, II, ...: campaign in year …
Apollonia Pontika, DATE: see
Histria
Apollonia Pontika, RIT.: ritual:
• A: inhumation in an amphora
• CP: contracted body position
• inhum.: inhumation in a pit
• P: inhumation in a pithos
• ST: inhumation in a stone
tombe
• T: inhumation in a tile grave
Apollonia Pontika, GIFTS: see
Histria
245
pag 187-268
01-02-2007
09:42
Pagina 246
HISTRIA
YEAR
N°
DATE BC
RIT.
GIFTS
COMMENT
1955-61
XX
560-550
JAaI
periph. gifts
(horse, ceramics)
funerary platform
ditch dressed with
stones
1955-61
XVII
mid-6 c.
JAaII
1955-61
XIX
550/525
JAaI
1955-61
XII
510-500
JAaI
1955-61
XI
begin 5 c.
cenot.
1955-61
XXII
mid-5 c.
JAbI
2 Att. b.c. (XX 1, XX 3)
krat. (XX 2)
pl, Rhod. B (XX 4)
oe (XX 5)
3 a (XX 6, XX 7, XX 8)
(fragment) (XX 9)
Lydion (urn) ((XVII 1)
Att. b.c. (XVII 2)
Kor. sk (XVII 3)
Ion. oe (XVII 4)
hm pot (XVII 5)
fikk. a or oe (XVII 9)
lne (XVII 10)
oe (XXVII 11)
wm cookw. (XVII 12)
Att. lip-cup (XVII 8)
3 a (XVII 6, XVII 14,
XVII 15)
2 alb. alab. (XVII 7,
XVII 16)
hm jug (XVII 17)
fikk. oe (XIX 1)
Att. b.c. (XIX 2)
lne (XIX 3, XIX 4)
Rhod. B pinax (XIX 5)
wm cookw. (XIX 6)
Kor. pixis (XIX 7)
Ion. pl (XIX 9)
oe (XIX 8)
whetstone (XIX 11)
handle of a bronze mirror
(Skythian type) (XIX 12)
knife, iron (XIX 13)
Att. mini oe (XIX 14)
Att. lekyt. (XII 1)
Att. kalpis (XII 2)
wm cookw. (XII 3)
alb. alab. (XII 4)
button, bone (XII 5)
dagger, iron (XII 6)
plaquette, bone (XII 7)
beads, bronze (XII 8)
(fragment) iron (XII 9)
Att. b.c. (XII 10)
2 earrings, bronze (XII 12,
XII 13)
2 a (Chios) (XI 1, XI 2)
a (XI 3)
pl (fragments) (XI 4, XI 5)
grey lekyt. (XI 6)
object, iron (XI 7)
oe (XI 8)
pl (XI 9)
2 a (Chios) (XXII 1a,
XXII 7)
246
periph. gifts (3
humans, 4 horses,
ceramics)
funerary platform
periph. gifts (2
humans, 1 horse)
funerary platform
ditch dressed with
stones
cremation +
2 collective graves
periph. gifts
5 humans, horses
mules
contained
secondary grave
pag 187-268
01-02-2007
09:42
Pagina 247
HISTRIA
YEAR
N°
DATE BC
RIT.
1955-61
XIV
450-425
?
1955-61
III
450-400
JB2
1955-61
XXIII
425-400
JB1
1955-61
I
5 c.
inhum.
1955-61
1955-61
1955-61
1955-61
XIII
XXXII
XXVIII
XVIII
cenot.
JAaV
JAaIII
inhum.
1955-61
II
6-5 c.
?
5 c. (?)
400/begin
4 c.
350-325
(after
336 BC)
1955-61
XXI
350-325
(after
336 BC)
JAbVII
JAaV
GIFTS
3 a (XXII 1b, XXII 8,
XXII 18)
a (Lesbos?) (XXII 2)
2 lne (XXII 3, XXII 10)
pl (XXII 4)
2 coins from Histria
(XXII 5, XXII 11)
cup (XXII 6)
wm cookw. (XXII 9)
3 pl (XXII 12, XXII 13b)
Att. cup (XXII 14)
Att. kanth. (XXII 15)
fish pl (XXII 16)
2 bowl (XXII 17, XXII 17b)
closed form (a or krat.)
(XIV 1)
2 a (Chios) (XIV 2, XIV 3)
pyramidal amulet, lead
covered with bronze (III 1)
kanth. (Att.?) (III 2)
grey lekyt. (III 3)
Att. bolsal (XXIII 1)
a (XXIII 2)
lekyt. (XXIII 3)
oe (XXIII 4)
fun. statuette, terracotta
(XXIII 5)
Ion. vase (I 1)
krat. (I 2)
marble figurine
/
6 arrow-heads (no number)
a (XXVIII 1)
2 Att. laos (XVIII 1,
XVIII 2)
2 fish pl (II 1, II 3)
Att. pke (II 2)
pl (II 4)
closed form (fragments)
(II 5)
2 lekyt. (II 6, II 9)
cup (II 8)
coin, bronze, Alexander
(II 10)
Att. lekyt. (XXI 1)
Att. oe (XXI 2)
Att. bolsal (XXI 3)
bowl (XXI 4)
Att. askos (XXI 5)
2 cup (XXI 6, XXI 7)
fish pl (XXI 8)
coin, bronze, Alexander
(XXI 9)
lekyt. (XXI 10)
2 a (Herakleia) (XXI 11,
XXI 12)
COMMENT
(GR. XXII)
funerary platform
plundered
ENE-WSW
orientation
total of 4 graves
child?
247
pag 187-268
01-02-2007
09:42
Pagina 248
HISTRIA
YEAR
N°
DATE BC
RIT.
1955-61
XXXIII
350-325
JAaIII
(?)
1955-61
XXIX
350-325
JAaIII
1955-61
XXXIV
end 4/
begin 3
c.
JAaV
1955-61
GR. XXII
ca. 450
cremat.
1959
1959
1958
GR. 2
GR. 3
GR. 4
6/5 c.
6/5 c.
5 c.
inhum.
inhum.
cenot.
1958
GR. 5
5 c.
inhum.
1958
GR. 6
mid-4 c.
cremat.
248
GIFTS
a (Thasos) (XXI 13)
fish pl (XXXIII 1)
3 Att. bowl (XXXIII 2,
XXXIII 3, XXXIII 4)
laos (XXXIII 5)
2 Att. kanth. (XXXIII 6,
XXXIII 7)
pl (XXXIII 8)
uum (XXIX 1)
Att. kanth. (XXIX 2)
2 Att. bowl (XXIX 3,
XXXIX 4)
Att. oe (XXIX 4)
2 a (Herakleia) (XXIX 6,
XXIX 7)
Att. oe (XXXIV 1)
2 uum (XXXIV 2,
XXXIV 15)
object, bronze (XXXIV 3)
cup (XXXIV 4)
coin (XXXIV 5)
fish pl (XXXIV 6)
a (atypical fragments)
(XXXIV 7, XXXIV 13)
3 Att. kanth. (XXXIV 8,
XXXIV 14, XXXIV 16)
strigilis, iron (XXXIV 10)
knife, iron (XXXIV 11)
fish pl (XXXIV 17)
Att. pl (XXXIV 18)
3 bowl (XXXIV 19,
XXXIV 20, XXXIV 21)
pl (XXII 1, 1)
1 or 2 a (XXII 1, 2)
a (Chios) (XXII 1, 3)
a (XXII1, 4)
Ion. lekyt. (m 2.1)
kanth. (m 3.1)
olpe (m 4.1)
closed form (m 4.2)
3 Kor. mini sk (m 4.3-5)
a (Thasos) (m 5.1)
cup (m 5.2)
Att. kanth. (m 5.3)
object, bronze (m 5.4)
Thrak. fibula, bronze
(m 5.5)
ceramical forms (m 5.6-7)
Att. lekyt. (m 5.8)
object, iron (m 5.9)
a (m 6.1)
lekyt. (m 6.2)
uum (m 6.3)
object, iron (m 6.4)
COMMENT
stone circle
total of 3 graves
secondary grave
no tumulus
no tumulus
no tumulus
no tumulus
no tumulus
pag 187-268
01-02-2007
09:42
Pagina 249
KALLATIS
YEAR
No
1930
/
DATE BC
4 c.
RIT.
inhum. ST
1959/60
G.1=M.1
350-300
or 3 c.
inhum. ST
1959/60
G.2=M.2
end 4 c.
cremat. C
1959/60
G.3=M.3
?
inhum. P
1959/60
G.4=M.4
?
inhum. P
1959/60
1959/60
1959/60
1959/60
G.6=M.6
G.7=M.7
G.8=M.8
G.8a=M.8a
4/3 c.
4/3 c.
?
?
cremat. A
inhum. A
inhum. A
cremat. A
1959/60
1959/60
1959/60
G.10=M.10
G.11=M.11
G.12=M.12
?
?
?
inhum. P
inhum. P
inhum. T
1959/60
1959/60
1959/60
1959/60
1959/60
1959/60
G.13=M.13
G.14=M.14
G.16=M.16
G.17=M.17
G.18=M.18
G.19=M.19
?
?
mid-4 c.
?
4/3 c.
350-300
or 3 c.
inhum. ST?
inhum. T
cremat. A
inhum. ST?
cremat. A
inhum. ST
1959/60
G.20=M.20
350-325
inhum. T
1959/60
G.21=M.21
?
cremat.
1959/60
1959/60
1959/60
G.22=M.22
G.23=M.23
G.24=M.24
inhum. P
inhum. P
inhum. ST
1970
/
?
?
350-300
or 3 c.
325begin
3 c.
cremat. K
GIFTS
footing, bronze
disc, bronze
mini aryb.
pl
2 figurines, terracotta
4 painted vases
2 diadems
papyrus
ceramics (not specified)
2 strigiles, iron
2 objects, bronze
diadem
arrow-heads
(Skythian type)
/
/
/
/
strigilis, iron
small vase
/
/
2 lekyt., painted
/
/
diadem
/
/
pr
alab.
mirror, bronze
Att. lne
pr
alab.
4 statuettes, terracotta
ornaments, gilded clay
7 medaillons with
Medusahead
4 protomae of winged
griffins
buttons, different shapes
116 beads
necklace, gilded clay
object, unidentified
spade, bronze
strigilis, iron
small vase
/
/
/
COMMENT
adult, NO-SW
grave with the
papyrus
collective
cremation
grave
contracted
position
child
child
rich gifts, but
no information
female adult
2 year old girl
child
34 medaillons with
Medusahead
gilded ceramics
249
pag 187-268
01-02-2007
09:42
Pagina 250
KALLATIS
YEAR
No
DATE BC
RIT.
1972a
M.1
Greek
inhum. ST
1972a
M.5
Greek
inhum. ST
1972a
1972a
M.7
M.8
Greek
Greek
inhum. ST
inhum. P
GIFTS
230 circular beads
25 conical beads
diadem
uum
pr
2 rings, iron
button, bronze
strigilis, iron
beads, colored glass
needle, bronze
strigilis, iron
strigilis, iron
/
1972a
1972a
M.15
M.16
Greek
end 4/
begin
3 c.
inhum. P
cremat.
/
uum
1972a
M.17
end 4/
begin 3 c.
inhum. P
1972a
1972a
M.25
M.28
Greek
Greek
inhum. P
inhum. ST
1972a
1972b
M.30
M.35
Greek
Greek
inhum. P
inhum. ST
1972b
1972b
M.37
M.38
Greek
Greek
inhum. ST
inhum. ST
1972b
1972b
M.39
M.40
Greek
350-325
inhum. ST
inhum. P
1972b
1972b
M.41
M.42
Greek
Greek
inhum. ST
inhum. ST
1972b
1972b
1972b
1972b
1972b
1973-80
M.45
M.46
M.47
M.48
M.49
M.2
inhum. ST
inhum. ST
inhum. ST
inhum. ST
inhum. ST
inhum. ST
1973-80
M.3
Greek
Greek
Greek
Greek
Greek
end 4/
begin 3 c.
end 4/
begin 3 c.
kanth.
lekyt.
lamp, terracotta
/
strigilis, iron
ring, iron
/
uum
disc (part of a bobbin)
ring, iron
ring, silver
strigilis, iron
ring, iron
/
kanth. with
inscription in Greek
ring, iron
ring, bronze
necklace, bronze
/
ring, gold and blue stone
tiara, gold
/
/
kanth. (West Slope Style)
Thas. a
2 a (M.3a)
2 earrings, gold (M.3a)
necklace, gold (M.3a)
ring, gold (M.3a)
pixis with pink make-up,
bronze (M.3a)
pixis, bronze (M.3a)
needle, bronze (M.3a)
mirror, bronze(M.3a)
250
inhum. ST
inhum. ST
COMMENT
adult
adult
adult
adult, contracted
position
on left side,
S-N orientation
adult
cremation at the
same place as
burial, S-W
orientation
teenager,
NNW-SSE
orientation
adult
adult
adult
adult
adult
adult
child
adult
recently
disturbed
child
adult, W-E
adult
adult
disturbed
adult, W-E
dubble grave,
M.3a is female,
M.3b is male
W-E orientation
pag 187-268
01-02-2007
09:42
Pagina 251
KALLATIS
YEAR
No
DATE BC
RIT.
GIFTS
ring, iron(M.3b)
strigilis, iron (M.3b)
2 a (M.5a)
object, bronze (M.5a)
strigilis, iron (M.5b)
ring, iron (M.5b)
1973-80
M.5
end 4/
begin 3 c.
inhum. ST
cremat. A
1973-80
M.8
350-250
cremat. T
5 bowl
1973-80
M.9
350-250
inhum. ST
1981
/
350-300
inhum. ST
coin, copper
necklace, bronze and gold
uum
4 statuettes
ring, iron
strigilis, iron
3 uum
2 supports terracotta
10 terracotta statuettes
2 medaillons with
Medusahead
COMMENT
dubble grave
cremation at
another
place as burial
(M.5a),
inhum. is male
(M.5b)
cremation at the
same place
as burial
teenager
251
pag 187-268
01-02-2007
09:42
Pagina 252
APOLLONIA PONTIKA
YEAR
No
DATE BC
I (1947)
6
?
I (1947)
7
?
I (1947)
8
?
I (1947)
9
end 4/
begin 3 c.
RIT.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
I (1947)
10
inhum.
I (1947)
23
end 4/begin
begin 3 c.
end 4/
begin 3 c.
I (1947)
I (1947)
I (1947)
I (1947)
I (1947)
24
25
26
27
28
?
?
?
?
end 4/
begin 3 c.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
CP
alab.
bowl
strigilis, bronze
/
/
/
/
/
I (1947)
29
inhum.
/
I (1947)
30
end 4/
begin 3 c.
350-325
T
I (1947)
31
350-300
inhum.
I (1947)
I (1947)
33
34
?
325-300
inhum.
A
lekyt.
kx
spear head, iron
pyxis
kanth.
lekyt.
/
/
I (1947)
I (1947)
I (1947)
35
36
37
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
/
/
a (neck)
I (1947)
38
?
?
end 4/
begin 3 c.
end 4 c.
inhum.
I (1947)
I (1947)
40
41
?
mid-4 c.
inhum.
inhum.
I (1947)
I (1947)
I (1947)
I (1947)
42
43
44
45
?
?
?
end 4 c.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
I (1947)
I (1947)
I (1947)
I (1947)
I (1947)
I (1947)
I (1947)
I (1947)
46
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
end 4 c.
end 4 c
?
?
?
?
?
ca. 300
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
I (1947)
I (1947)
55
61
inhum.
inhum.
I (1947)
62
T
/
I (1947)
63
?
end 4/
begin 3 c
end 4/
begin 3 c.
350-300
kx
lamp, terracotta
bottom of a vessel
(contamination?)
/
kx
bowl
/
/
/
lekyt
bowl
lekyt.
fibula, bronze (Thrakian type)
/
/
/
/
/
fibula, iron (Thrakian type)
ring, iron
/
kanth.
T
/
252
ST
GIFTS
/
/
/
lamp, terracotta
23 astragaloi
coin, bronze (350-306 BC)
/
COMMENT
E orientation
N-E orientation
N-E orientation
N-E orientation
child
N orientation
N orientation
S-E orientation
N-W orientation
E orientation
legs crossed under
the body, fists in
front of the chin
N-W orientation
S-E orientation
child, N
orientation
S-E orientation
child, S-E
orientation
N orientation
S-E orientation
S-E orientation
N-W orientation
N orientation
N orientation
S orientation
N-W orientation
S-E orientation
N orientation
N-E orientation
N orientation
E orientation
N orientation
S-E orientation
N orientation
S-E orientation
E orientation
S-E orientation
child, N-W
orientation
S-E orientation
pag 187-268
01-02-2007
09:42
Pagina 253
APOLLONIA PONTIKA
YEAR
No
DATE BC
I (1947)
64
?
I (1947)
65
?
I (1947)
66
end 4/
begin 3 c.
I (1947)
67
?
I (1947)
68
?
I (1947)
69
?
I (1947)
70
end 4/
begin 3 c.
RIT.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
I (1947)
I (1947)
71
72
?
325-300
inhum.
inhum.
I (1947)
73
325-300
inhum.
I (1947)
I (1947)
I (1947)
I (1947)
I (1947)
74
75
76
77
78
?
?
?
350-300
350-300
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
T
inhum.
I (1947)
I (1947)
79
80
?
350-300
inhum.
inhum.
I (1947)
I (1947)
81
82
?
350-300
inhum.
inhum.
I (1947)
83
inhum.
I (1947)
I (1947)
84
85
end 4/
begin 3 c.
?
?
GIFTS
/
/
spearhead, iron
coin, bronze (350-306 BC)
/
/
/
pl
lekyt.
coin, bronze (350-306 BC)
/
alab., glass
arrow-head, bronze
11 coins (350-306 BC)
(7 silver + 4 bronze)
oe
36 astragaloi
/
/
/
coin, bronze (350-306 BC)
kanth.
lekyt.
/
figurine, terracotta
fibula, bronze (Thrakian type)
earrings, bronze
/
fibula, bronze (Thrakian type)
needle, bronze
2 beads, glass
bronze coin
ring, iron
inhum.
inhum.
/
/
I (1947)
I (1947)
I (1947)
I (1947)
87
88
89
90
inhum.
A
inhum.
T
I (1947)
91
T+A
/
ring, bronze
kx
askos
coin, bronze
/
I (1947)
I (1947)
I (1947)
I (1947)
I (1947)
I (1947)
I (1947)
I (1947)
I (1947)
I (1947)
92
93
94
95
96
97
98
99
100
101
?
350-300
end 4 c.
end 4/
begin 3 c.
end 4/
begin 3 c.
?
350-300
?
?
?
?
?
?
?
?
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
/
2 feeding bottles
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
I (1947)
I (1947)
102
103
?
end 4/
begin 3 c.
inhum.
T
/
ring, bronze
askos
I (1947)
104
?
inhum.
/
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
COMMENT
child
S-E orientation
N orientation
N-W orientation
N-W orientation
N-W orientation
N-E orientation
N-W orientation
E orientation
N orientation
S-E orientation
N-W orientation
E orientation
N-W orientation
no head, no
anatomical order
N orientation
N-E orientation
N orientation
child, S-W
orientation
E orientation
N-E orientation
N orientation, no
head
N orientation
S-W orientation
E orientation
young child, N-W
orientation
S-E orientation
E orientation
N-E orientation
N-E orientation
N orientation
S-W orientation
N orientation
S-W orientation
N-W orientation
child, S-W
orientation
N-W orientation
E orientation,
T imitates
a sarcophagus
S-W orientation
253
pag 187-268
01-02-2007
09:42
Pagina 254
APOLLONIA PONTIKA
YEAR
No
DATE BC
I (1947)
105
?
I (1947)
106
?
I (1947)
107
?
I (1947)
108
?
I (1947)
109
350-300
RIT.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
I (1947)
I (1947)
I (1947)
110
111
112
?
350-300
350-300
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
I (1947)
I (1947)
I (1947)
113
114
115
?
?
350-300
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
I (1947)
116
350-300
inhum.
I (1947)
I (1947)
I (1947)
117
118
119
?
?
mid-4 c.
inhum.
inhum.
ST
I (1947)
120
?
CP
/
/
lekyt.
needle, bronze
ring, bronze
/
I (1947)
I (1947)
I (1947)
I (1947)
I (1947)
I (1947)
I (1947)
I (1947)
I (1947)
121
122
123
124
125
126
127
128
129
?
?
350-300
?
?
?
?
?
400-350
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
/
/
ring, bronze
/
/
/
/
/
strigilis
I (1947)
I (1947)
I (1947)
I (1947)
I (1947)
I (1947)
I (1947)
I (1947)
I (1947)
I (1947)
I (1947)
I (1947)
I (1947)
I (1947)
130
131
132
133
134
135
136
137
138
140
141
142
143
144
145
146
147
148
149
150
?
?
375-350
?
?
?
?
?
400-350
?
450-425
?
?
?
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
/
/
lekyt.
/
/
/
/
/
a
askos
lekyt.
/
/
/
/
/
/
kanth.
/
2 lekyt.
bowl
bowl
mirror, bronze
ring, bronze
with incrusted figure
scissors, iron
I (1947)
I (1947)
I (1947)
254
350-325
?
mid-4 c.
GIFTS
/
/
/
/
lekyt.
bowl
/
lekyt.
kanth.
2 rings, bronze
/
/
oe
oe, glass
2 jugs
COMMENT
no anatomical order
N-E orientation
N-W orientation
S-E orientation
S-E orientation
N-E orientation
S-W orientation
N-W orientation
S orientation
S-E orientation
N-E orientation
no skull, no
anatomical order
N-W orientation
N-W orientation
E orientation
N-E orientation,
arms next
to the body
S-E orientation
S-E orientation
S-E orientation
S-W orientation
N-E orientation
W orientation
N-E orientation
S-E orientation
N-W orientation,
no head
N orientation
N-E orientation
N orientation
S-E orientation
N-E orientation
N orientation
S orientation
S orientation
S-E orientation
N-E orientation
N-E orientation
S-W orientation
N-W orientation
4 graves (144, 145,
146,147)
together
in 1 pit
N-E orientation
N-E orientation
N-E orientation
pag 187-268
01-02-2007
09:42
Pagina 255
APOLLONIA PONTIKA
YEAR
No
DATE BC
RIT.
I (1947)
I (1947)
151
152
?
450-425
inhum.
inhum.
I (1947)
153
450-425
inhum.
I (1947)
154
450-425
inhum.
I (1947)
155
mid-4 c.
inhum.
GIFTS
2 rings, iron
/
Att. lekyt.
kx
Att. kx
2 Kor.kx
bowl
7 figurines, terracotta
Att. lekyt.
lekyt.
2 sellars
needle, bronze
disc, bronze, perforated
/
I (1947)
I (1947)
I (1947)
I (1947)
I (1947)
I (1947)
I (1947)
I (1947)
I (1947)
I (1947)
I (1947)
I (1947)
I (1947)
I (1947)
I (1947)
I (1947)
156
157
158
159
160
161
162
163
164
165
166
167
168
169
170
171
172
173
174
175
mid-4 c.
?
?
?
?
?
?
?
?
?
?
?
?
?
?
mid-4 c.
mid-4 c.
mid-4 c.
?
?
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
kx
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
kanth.
/
/
/
/
I (1947)
176
350-300
T
/
I (1947)
I (1947)
I (1947)
I (1947)
I (1947)
I (1947)
I (1947)
I (1947)
I (1947)
177
178
179
180
181
182
183
184
185
350-300
?
?
?
350-300
450-425
?
mid-5 c.
400-350
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
T
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
I (1947)
186
450-425
inhum.
I (1947)
I (1947)
187
188
?
450-425
inhum.
inhum.
I (1947)
I (1947)
I (1947)
189
190
191
?
ca. 430
450-425
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
grey lekyt.
/
/
/
/
askos
/
earring, bronze
lekyt.
tool, bronze
needle, bone
lekyt.
3 sk
/
oe
2 kx
lekyt.
askos
herma, terracotta
/
lekyt.
lekyt.
I (1947)
COMMENT
N orientation
N-W orientation
child
E orientation
close relation with
grave 156
N-E orientation
N-E orientation
gravens 159 - 170
together without
order
graves 171, 172,
173 together
without order
bodies of graves
174-175 together
without order
child, N-E
orientation
W orientation
S-E orientation
W orientation
S-E orientation
E orientation
E orientation
N-E orientation
N-E orientation
N-E orientation
N-E orientation
E orientation
S-E orientation
N-W orientation
N-W orientation
N-W orientation
255
pag 187-268
01-02-2007
09:42
Pagina 256
APOLLONIA PONTIKA
YEAR
No
DATE BC
I (1947)
192
?
RIT.
inhum.
GIFTS
/
I (1947)
I (1947)
I (1947)
193
194
195
450-425
?
450-425
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
I (1947)
II (1949)
II (1949)
196
197
198
450-425
?
early 3 c.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
II (1949)
199
early 3 c.
inhum.
II (1949)
200
inhum.
II (1949)
201
end 4/
begin 3 c.
end 4/
begin 3 c.
lekyt.
/
small vessel with
handles
a
alab., glass
2 Att. lekyt.
/
bowl
coin, bronze (360-281 BC)
astragalos
needle, bronze
2 lekyt.
II (1949)
202
?
CP
kanth.
bowl
2 lekyt.
/
II (1949)
II (1949)
II (1949)
203
204
205
350-300
?
end 4 c.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
lekyt.
/
lekyt.
II (1949)
206
end 4 c.
T
II (1949)
207
end 4 c.
inhum.
II (1949)
II (1949)
208
209
inhum.
inhum.
II (1949)
II (1949)
II (1949)
II (1949)
II (1949)
II (1949)
210
211
212
213
214
218
?
end 4/
begin 3 c.
?
?
?
?
?
350-300
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
II (1949)
219
350-300
inhum.
II (1949)
II (1949)
II (1949)
II (1949)
II (1949)
220
222
223
224
225
?
350-325
350-200
?
end 4/
begin 3 c.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
lekyt.
22 astragaloi
2 lekyt.
pincers, bronze
/
fibula, bronze
(Thrakian type)
/
/
/
/
/
lekyt.
ring, bronze
plaquette, bronze
earrings, bronze
/
2 kanth.
lekyt.
/
figurine, terracotta
II (1949)
II (1949)
226
227
350-300
350-325
inhum.
cremat.
II (1949)
II (1949)
228
229
350-300
350-325
inhum.
inhum.
II (1949)
II (1949)
230
231
350-300
mid-4 c.
inhum.
inhum.
II (1949)
II (1949)
232
233
?
?
inhum.
inhum.
256
inhum.
lamp, terracotta
krat. (urn)
grey bowl (lid)
oe
lekyt.
2 oe
6 figurines, terracotta
oe
alab., glass
2 lekyt.
/
/
COMMENT
child, N-E
orientation
E orientation
N-E orientation
N-E orientation
E orientation
S-E orientation
N-E orientation
child, E
orientation
N-E orientation
N-E orientation
E orientation,
no arms
E orientation
E orientation
N-E orientation,
fire place nearby
E orientation
E orientation
N-E orientation
N-E orientation
W orientation
W orientation
no order
N-W orientation
N-E orientation
E orientation
E orientation
E orientation
W orientation
E orientation,
lower part of the
body missing
S-E orientation
S-E orientation
N-E orientation
S-E orientation
no order
S-E orientation
E orientation
pag 187-268
01-02-2007
09:42
Pagina 257
APOLLONIA PONTIKA
YEAR
No
DATE BC
II (1949)
234
?
II (1949)
235
end 4 c.
II (1949)
236
?
II (1949)
237
?
II (1949)
238
mid-4 c.
II (1949)
239
?
II (1949)
240
325-300
II (1949)
241
?
II (1949)
242
350-300
RIT.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
II (1949)
243
inhum.
II (1949)
GIFTS
/
strigilis, bronze
/
/
lekyt.
/
2 lekyt.
/
askos
lekyt.
2 beads, glass
ring, bronze
3 kx
figurine, terracotta
244
mid-4 c.
or
350-325
350-300
cremat.
II (1949)
II (1949)
246
247
?
350-300
inhum.
inhum.
II (1949)
II (1949)
II (1949)
248
249
250
?
?
?
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
cylindrical vessel,
stone (urn)
/
kx
bead, glass
needle, bronze
/
/
/
II (1949)
251
?
inhum.
/
II (1949)
II (1949)
II (1949)
II (1949)
II (1949)
252
253
254
255
256
?
?
?
?
350-325
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
II (1949)
II (1949)
II (1949)
257
258
259
350-300
?
mid-4 c.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
II (1949)
II (1949)
II (1949)
II (1949)
260
261
262
263
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
II (1949)
264
II (1949)
II (1949)
II (1949)
II (1949)
II (1949)
II (1949)
II (1949)
II (1949)
II (1949)
265
266
267
268
269
270
271
272
274
?
350-300
350-300
350-300
or
begin 3 c.
350-300
or
begin 3 c.
?
350-325
?
?
350-300
350-300
?
?
350-300
/
/
9 astragaloi
/
lekyt.
4 figurines, terracotta
8 astragaloi
bowl
/
askos
lekyt.
/
fibula, bronze (Thrakian type)
earrings, bronze
fibula, bronze
(Thrakian type)
II (1949)
275
mid-4 c.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
2 rings of an iron
chain attached
to the right leg
/
lekyt.
/
/
lekyt.
lekyt.
/
/
kx
3 needles, bronze
wire, lead
2 oe
COMMENT
E orientation
S-E orientation
N-E orientation
S orientation
N-E orientation
N-E orientation
N orientation
S-E orientation
N orientation
N-E orientation
N orientation
no order
N-W orientation
S-E orientation
N-E orientation,
lower part of the
body missing
child, N
orientation
N-W orientation
S orientation
no order
N-W orientation
E orientation
S-E orientation
N-E orientation
E orientation
N-E orientation
S-E orientation
E orientation
E orientation
S-E orientation
S-E orientation
N-E orientation
N-E orientation
E orientation
S-E orientation
S-E orientation
N-W orientation
N-W orientation
no order
N-E orientation
257
pag 187-268
01-02-2007
09:42
Pagina 258
APOLLONIA PONTIKA
YEAR
No
DATE BC
II (1949)
276
350-300
RIT.
inhum.
II (1949)
277
mid-4 c.
inhum.
II (1949)
II (1949)
II (1949)
278
279
280
?
?
350-325
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
II (1949)
281
350-325
inhum.
II (1949)
282
T
II (1949)
283
350-300
or
begin 3 c.
mid-4 c.
II (1949)
II (1949)
284
285
?
375-350
or
mid-4 c.
inhum.
ST
II (1949)
II (1949)
286
287
?
375-350
ST
inhum.
II (1949)
II (1949)
II (1949)
288
289
290
400-350
325-300
ca. 350
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
II (1949)
291
350-300
inhum.
II (1949)
II (1949)
II (1949)
292
293
294
350-300
?
350-325
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
II (1949)
II (1949)
295
296
375-350
400-350
inhum.
inhum.
258
inhum.
GIFTS
grey bowl
strigilis, bronze
2 lekyt.
strigilis, bronze
/
/
lekyt.
fish-hook, iron
lekyt.
figurine, terracotta
coin, bronze, perforated
bronze coin
(350-306 BC)
COMMENT
N-E orientation
6 lekyt.
3 alab.
oe
2 alab., glass
figurine, glass
beads (part of
a bracelet), glass
object, iron
ring, iron
2 earrings, bronze
mirror, bronze
ring, bronze
fibula (Thrakian type)
fibula (Thrakian type)
3 coins, bronze
(350-300 BC)
coin, bronze
/
lekyt.
salt cellar
strigilis, bronze
36 astragaloi
/
lekyt.
strigilis, bronze
2 lekyt.
lekyt.
7 lekyt.
3 kx
bowl
3 salt cellars
askos
lamp, terracotta
grey vessel with round bottom
2 rings, glass (possibly from
the neck of an alab.)
3 lekyt.
object, bronze
strigilis, bronze
/
bowl
grey vessel with
round botto
lekyt.
kx
a, glass
N-E orientation
E orientation
S orientation
S-W orientation
N-E orientation
N-W orientation
N-W orientation
N-E orientation
W orientation
N-E orientation
N-E orientation
N orientation
E orientation
N-E orientation
N-E orientation
E orientation
N-E orientation
N-E orientation
N-E orientation
N-E orientation
pag 187-268
01-02-2007
09:42
Pagina 259
APOLLONIA PONTIKA
YEAR
No
DATE BC
II (1949)
297
350-325
II (1949)
298
?
II (1949)
299
450-425
RIT.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
II (1949)
II (1949)
II (1949)
II (1949)
300
301
302
303
?
?
450-425
425-400
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
III (1948)
III (1948)
III (1948)
III (1948)
III (1948)
III (1948)
III (1948)
304
305
306
307
308
309
310
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
A
inhum.
inhum.
III (1948)
III (1948)
311
312
inhum.
inhum.
/
pendant, bronze
N orientation
N orientation
III (1948)
III (1948)
313
314
?
?
?
?
?
?
end 4/
begin 3 c.
?
end 4/
begin 3 c.
?
350-300
5 figurines,
terracotta
shell of a mussel
/
/
lekyt.
a
grey pr
/
/
/
/
/
/
earring, bronze
inhum.
inhum.
E orientation
N orientation
III (1948)
III (1948)
III (1948)
III (1948)
III (1948)
III (1948)
III (1948)
315
316
317
318
319
320
321
III (1948)
322
inhum.
/
grey pr
grey olpe
/
lekyt.
/
/
/
kx
kanth.
lekyt.
ring, iron
III (1948)
III (1948)
GIFTS
lekyt.
COMMENT
N-E orientation
N-E orientation
child, N-E
orientation
N-E orientation
N-E orientation
N-E orientation
N-E orientation
S-W orientation
S-W orientation
S-W orientation
no order
child
no order
S orientation
inhum.
inhum.
CT
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
323
324
?
end. 4 c.
?
?
?
350-300
end 4/
begin 3 c.
end 4/
begin 3 c.
?
?
inhum.
inhum.
/
/
III (1948)
III (1948)
III (1948)
III (1948)
III (1948)
III (1948)
325
326
327
328
329
330
?
?
?
?
?
?
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
/
/
/
/
/
grey vessel with
round bottom
IV (1949)
IV (1949)
331
332
?
350-300
inhum.
inhum.
IV (1949)
IV (1949)
333
334
350-300
end 4/
begin 3 c.
cremat.
P
IV (1949)
335
inhum.
IV (1949)
336
ST
strigilis, bronze
S-W orientation
IV (1949)
337
ST
338
339
lekyt.
2 alb. alab.
earring, bronze
Att. lekyt.
E orientation
IV (1949)
IV (1949)
end 4/
begin 3 c.
end 4/
begin 3 c.
mid-4 c. or
350-325
400-350
450-425
lekyt.
fibula, bronze (Thrakian type)
alab.
fibula, bronze (Thrakian type)
diadem with bronze leafs and
small ceramical balls
earring, bronze
inhum.
inhum.
E orientation
E orientation
N-E orientation
S-E orientation
N-E orientation
E orientation
N orientation
N orientation
N orientation
no order,
possible relation
with grave 325
E orientation
E orientation
S-W orientation
E orientation
E orientation
N orientation
E orientation
E orientation
N-E orientation
S-W orientation
S-E orientation
S-E orientation
259
pag 187-268
01-02-2007
09:42
Pagina 260
APOLLONIA PONTIKA
YEAR
No
DATE BC
IV (1949)
340
?
IV (1949)
341
?
IV (1949)
342
?
V (1948)
343
?
V (1948)
344
?
V (1948)
345
?
V (1948)
346
end 4 c.
V (1948)
347
end 4/
begin 3 c.
RIT.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
V (1948)
V (1948)
348
349
V (1948)
350
V (1948)
V (1948)
COMMENT
N-E orientation
S-E orientation
N-E orientation
S-E orientation
N-W orientation
N-W orientation
N-E orientation
N-E orientation
inhum.
inhum.
GIFTS
/
/
/
/
/
/
oe
kanth.
bowl
ring, bronze
/
strigilis, bronze
T
kanth.
E orientation
351
352
?
end 4/
begin 3 c.
end 4/
begin 3 c.
?
325-300
inhum.
inhum.
S-E orientation
child, N
orientation
V (1948)
V (1948)
353
354
350-300
350-300
A
inhum.
V (1948)
355
end 4 c.
inhum.
V (1948)
V (1948)
V (1948)
V (1948)
356
357
358
359
?
?
?
mid-4 c. or
350-325
inhum.
cremat.
cremat.
inhum.
V (1948)
V (1948)
V (1948)
V (1948)
360
361
362
363
?
?
?
350-300
cremat.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
/
2 earrings, bronze
34 astragaloi
ring, bronze
2 coins, bronze (350-306 BC)
salt cellar
figurine, terracotta
ring, bronze
5 astragaloi
lekyt.
astragalos
/
/
/
lekyt.
2 grey vessels with
round bottom
/
/
/
3 figurines, terracotta
V (1948)
V (1948)
V (1948)
364
365
366
?
350-300
350-300
inhum.
A
inhum.
V (1948)
367
mid-4 c.
ST
V (1948)
368
?
ST
V (1948)
369
350-300
inhum.
V (1948)
370
?
CP
V (1948)
371
P
V (1948)
V (1948)
V (1948)
V (1948)
V (1948)
372
373
374
375
376
end 4/
begin 3 c.
?
350-300
350-300
350-300
350-325
260
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
ST
/
a
lekyt.
needle, bronze
coin, bronze (350-306 BC)
lekyt.
6 bowl
7 astragaloi
figurine, terracotta
grey vessel
strigilis, bronze
bowl
fibula, iron
/
bowl
askos
/
lekyt.
lekyt.
kx
2 lekyt.
N-E orientation
N-E orientation
child
N-E orientation
N-W orientation
N-E orientation
S-E orientation
E orientation
child, N-E
orientation
N-W orientation
E orientation
S orientation
no body found,
grave had the size
of a child
N-E orientation,
circle of 27 A
around the grave
W orientation
E orientation
S-E orientation
N-E orientation
E orientation
S orientation
N-E orientation,
pag 187-268
01-02-2007
09:42
Pagina 261
APOLLONIA PONTIKA
YEAR
No
DATE BC
376a
RIT.
ST
GIFTS
V (1948)
377
350-325
inhum.
V (1948)
378
mid-4 c.
or
350-325
T
V (1948)
V (1948)
379
380
350-300
350-300
P
inhum.
V (1948)
381
350-325
inhum.
V (1948)
V (1948)
V (1948)
V (1948)
V (1948)
382
383
384
385
386
ca. 350
end 4 c.
?
430-420
350-325
inhum.
inhum.
CP
inhum.
inhum.
V (1948)
V (1948)
387
388
350-325
450-425
inhum.
inhum.
V (1948)
389
450-425
inhum.
V (1948)
V (1948)
390
391
450-425
450-425
inhum.
inhum.
V (1948)
392
450-425
inhum.
V (1948)
V (1948)
393
394
ca. 450
end 4 c.
inhum.
inhum.
V (1948)
395
350-325
inhum.
sk.
jug
needle, bronze
2 lekyt.
oe
mirror, bronze
needle, bronze
coin, bronze
2 bowl
2 lekyt.
ring, bronze
lekyt.
askos
lekyt.
a
/
Att. lekyt.
2 lekyt.
kx
lekyt.
lekyt.
strigilis, iron
strigilis, bronze
3 jugs
Att. kx
4 figurines, terracotta
2 bracelets, silver
2 alb. alab.
Att. lekyt.
Att. lekyt.
6 kx
bowl
pr
oe
a
grey oe
vessel with 1 handle
2 lekyt.
5 kx
2 jugs
5 figurines, terracotta
a
aryb., glass
askos
lekyt.
sk
lekyt.
V (1948)
396
350-325
inhum.
V (1948)
V (1948)
VI (1948)
VI (1948)
397
398
402
410
350-325
?
begin 3 c.
begin 3 c.
inhum.
inhum.
cremat.
inhum.
VI (1948)
VI (1948)
411
412
?
begin 3 c.
inhum.
inhum.
Att. lekyt.
askos
8 figurines, terracotta
/
/
bowl
diadem with bronze leafs and
small ceramical balls
/
strigilis, bronze
COMMENT
together
with grave 376a
no order
N-E orientation
N orientation
S orientation
N-E orientation
N-E orientation
N-E orientation
S-E orientation
child, E orientation
N-E orientation
N-E orientation
E orientation
child, N orientation
N-E orientation
child, N-E
orientation
S-W orientation
E orientation
N-E orientation
gravestone related
to the grave
N-E orientation
child, N-W orientation
N-E orientation
E orientation
N-E orientation
N-W orientation
261
pag 187-268
01-02-2007
09:42
APOLLONIA PONTIKA
YEAR
No
VI (1948)
413
VI (1948)
418
VI (1948)
419
VII (1948)
420
Pagina 262
DATE BC
?
450-425
450-425
350-300
RIT.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
VII (1948)
VII (1948)
VII (1948)
VII (1948)
VII (1948)
VII (1948)
VII (1948)
VII (1948)
422
423
424
425
426
427
428
429
VII (1948)
VII (1948)
431
432
?
begin 3 c.
begin 3 c.
begin 3 c.
?
?
?
end 4/
begin 3 c.
?
mid-4 c.
VII (1948)
433
?
inhum.
VII (1948)
434
mid-4 c.
inhum.
VII (1948)
VII (1948)
435
437
inhum.
inhum.
VII (1948)
439
?
end 4/
begin 3 c.
400-350
inhum.
VII (1948)
440
350-300
inhum.
VII (1948)
441
end 5 c.
inhum.
VII (1948)
442
end 5 c.
inhum.
VII (1948)
VII (1948)
443
444
?
450-425
inhum.
inhum.
VII (1948)
VII (1948)
VII (1948)
VII (1948)
445
446
447
448
?
?
?
end 5 c.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
VII (1948)
VII (1948)
VIII (1948)
VIII (1948)
VIII (1948)
449
450
451
452
453
450-425
450-425
?
?
end 4 c.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
VIII (1948)
VIII (1948)
VIII (1948)
VIII (1948)
VIII (1948)
VIII (1948)
VIII (1948)
454
455
456
457
458
459
460
?
?
?
?
?
?
?
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
A
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
262
inhum.
inhum.
GIFTS
/
3 figurines, terracotta
askos
2 lekyt.
needle, bronze
/
alab.
askos
askos
/
/
strigilis, bronze
kanth.
ring, bronze
/
sk
bowl
/
lekyt.
2 kx
sk
oe
lamp, terracotta
2 vessels with round bottom
/
lekyt.
lekyt.
bowl
fibula, bronze (Thrakian type)
a, glass
lekyt.
lekyt.
bowl
/
Att. lekyt.
askos
kx
pr
/
/
/
lekyt.
2 pipes, bone
a, glass
Att. lekyt.
Att. lekyt.
/
/
kanth.
pr
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
COMMENT
S orientation
child, S orientation
E orientation
N-E orientation
S-W orientation
E orientation
N-W orientation
child, no order
S-W orientation
N-W orientation
N-E orientation
S-E orientation
N-W orientation
E orientation
S orientation
S-E orientation
N-E orientation
S-E orientation
S-E orientation
child, S-E
orientation
S orientation
N-E orientation
N-E orientation
N-E orientation
W orientation
S-E orientation
N-E orientation
E orientation
N-E orientation
N orientation
N-W orientation
E orientation
N orientation
E orientation
S orientation
S-E orientation
no order
N-W orientation
N-E orientation
pag 187-268
01-02-2007
09:42
Pagina 263
APOLLONIA PONTIKA
YEAR
No
VIII (1948)
461
VIII (1948)
VIII (1948)
VIII (1948)
VIII (1948)
VIII (1948)
VIII (1948)
VIII (1948)
463
464
465
466
467
468
469
VIII (1948)
VIII (1948)
470
471
VIII (1948)
VIII (1948)
VIII (1948)
VIII (1948)
VIII (1948)
VIII (1948)
VIII (1948)
472
473
474
475
476
477
478
VIII (1948)
VIII (1948)
DATE BC
end 4/
begin 3 c.
?
?
?
?
?
?
end 4/
begin 3 c.
?
?
RIT.
A
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
CP
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
cremat.
GIFTS
pr
vessel with round bottom
/
/
/
/
/
/
lekyt.
COMMENT
N orientation
E orientation
S orientation
W orientation
S-E orientation
S-E orientation
S orientation
/
ring, iron part of a chain
attached to the leg
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
S-E orientation
N-E orientation
askos
lekyt.
alb. alab.
/
fibula, bronze (Thrakian type)
/
/
/
/
/
N orientation
E orientation
479
480
?
?
?
?
?
?
end 4/
begin 3 c.
begin 3 c.
350-300
inhum.
ST
VIII (1948)
VIII (1948)
VIII (1948)
VIII (1948)
VIII (1948)
VIII (1948)
VIII (1948)
481
482
483
485
486
487
488
?
350-300
?
?
?
?
?
inhum.
inhum.
A
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
VIII (1948)
VIII (1948)
VIII (1948)
VIII (1948)
489
490
491
492
?
?
?
end 4 c.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
VIII (1948)
VIII (1948)
VIII (1948)
VIII (1948)
VIII (1948)
VIII (1948)
493
494
495
496
497
498
?
?
?
?
?
mid-4 c.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
VIII (1948)
VIII (1948)
VIII (1948)
VIII (1948)
VIII (1948)
499
500
501
502
503
?
?
?
?
350-300
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
VIII (1948)
504
inhum.
VIII (1948)
VIII (1948)
VIII (1948)
VIII (1948)
505
506
507
508
end 4/
begin 3 c.
?
?
?
375-350
/
/
/
lekyt.
kanth.
sk
bowl
/
/
/
/
/
lekyt.
feeding bottle
/
/
/
/
kx
vessel with round bottom
kanth.
askos
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
/
/
/
lekyt.
S orientation
S-W orientation
S-E orientation
N orientation
N orientation
N-W orientation
S orientation
N-E orientation
E orientation
child, S-E orientation
S-E orientation
child, closely
located to graves
486, 487, 488
E orientation
N-W orientation
N orientation
E orientation
E orientation
S orientation
S-W orientation
S-W orientation
N-E orientation
N-E orientation
N orientation
E orientation
S-E orientation
S-E orientation
N-E
E orientation
N orientation
E orientation
S-W orientation
263
pag 187-268
01-02-2007
09:42
APOLLONIA PONTIKA
YEAR
No
Pagina 264
DATE BC
RIT.
T
GIFTS
oe
feeding bottle
grey bowl
/
2 lekyt.
/
/
lekyt.
/
/
figurative lamella,
lead
/
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
cremat.
inhum.
inhum.
A
T
T
/
/
lekyt.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
ST
inhum.
T
inhum.
coin, bronze (350-306 BC)
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
vessel with round bottom
/
lekyt.
kx
/
/
COMMENT
VIII (1948)
VIII (1948)
VIII (1948)
VIII (1948)
VIII (1948)
IX (1948)
IX (1948)
IX (1948)
509
510
511
512
513
514
515
516
IX (1948)
517
IX (1948)
IX (1948)
IX (1948)
518
519
522
IX (1948)
IX (1948)
IX (1948)
IX (1948)
IX (1948)
IX (1948)
IX (1948)
IX (1948)
IX (1948)
IX (1948)
IX (1948)
523
524
525
526
527
528
529
530
531
532
533
?
400-350
?
?
450-425
?
?
end 4/
begin 3 c.
end 4/
begin 3 c.
?
?
end 4/
begin 3 c.
?
?
?
?
?
?
?
?
?
?
end 4 c.
IX (1948)
IX (1948)
534
536
?
?
inhum.
inhum.
IX (1948)
537
inhum.
IX (1948)
IX (1948)
538
539
end 4/
begin 3 c.
?
?
inhum.
inhum.
kanth.
feeding bottle
/
/
IX (1948)
IX (1948)
IX (1948)
IX (1948)
IX (1948)
IX (1948)
IX (1948)
IX (1948)
540
542
543
544
545
546
547
549
T
T
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
/
/
lekyt.
/
/
lekyt.
/
Att. lekyt.
IX (1948)
IX (1948)
IX (1948)
IX (1948)
IX (1948)
IX (1948)
IX (1948)
IX (1948)
IX (1948)
IX (1948)
IX (1948)
550
551
552
553
554
555
556
557
558
559
560
?
?
350-300
?
?
begin 3 c.
?
end 4/
begin 3 c.
?
?
?
?
?
?
?
?
?
?
?
S orientation
N-E orientation,
gravestone related
to the grave
N-E orientation
S-E orientation
N-W orientation
N-W orientation
E orientation
S orientation
W orientation
E orientation
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
T
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
S orientation
no order
S-E orientation
S orientation
E orientation
N orientation
S-W orientation
N-W orientation
S-E orientation
E orientation
N-W orientation
264
S-E orientation
E orientation
N orientation
N orientation
E orientation
N-E orientation
S-E orientation
N-W orientation
S-E orientation
N-E orientation
E orientation
E orientation
S-W orientation
S-W orientation
S-W orientation
W orientation
E orientation
S-E orientation
S-E orientation
child, E
orientation
N orientation
12 corpses
without order at
a surface of 10m2
N-E orientation
pag 187-268
01-02-2007
09:42
Pagina 265
APOLLONIA PONTIKA
YEAR
No
IX (1948)
561
IX (1948)
562
IX (1948)
563
IX (1948)
564
IX (1948)
565
IX (1948)
566
IX (1948)
567
IX (1948)
568
IX (1948)
569
IX (1948)
570
DATE BC
?
?
?
?
350-300
?
?
?
?
end 4 c.
RIT.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
T
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
GIFTS
/
/
/
vessel with round bottom
lekyt.
/
/
/
/
lekyt.
lamp, terracotta
/
/
lekyt.
COMMENT
S orientation
S-E orientation
N orientation
S-E orientation
E orientation
E orientation
S-E orientation
N-E orientation
N-W orientation
S-E orientation
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
N-E orientation
no order
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
Att. lekyt.
lekyt.
Att. kx
lekyt.
bowl
olpe
lekyt.
/
/
3 jugs
3 kx
alab., glass
lekyt.
kx
/
lekyt.
askos
/
/
/
needle, bronze
sk
/
/
/
/
lekyt.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
/
/
/
/
/
kanth.
E orientation
E orientation
W orientation
N orientation
N orientation
N-E orientation
inhum.
P
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
P
A
T
T
lekyt.
oe
/
lekyt.
/
/
bowl
knife, iron
bowl
ring, bronze
no order
IX (1948)
IX (1948)
IX (1948)
571
572
573
IX (1948)
IX (1948)
574
575
?
?
end 5/
begin 4 c.
450-425
450-425
IX (1948)
576
end 5 c.
inhum.
X (1947)
X (1947)
X (1947)
X (1947)
577
578
579
580
end 5 c.
?
?
end 5/
begin 4 c.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
X (1947)
581
T
X (1947)
X (1947)
582
583
end 5/
begin 4 c.
?
end 5 c.
X (1947)
X (1947)
X (1947)
X (1947)
X (1947)
X (1947)
X (1947)
X (1947)
X (1947)
X (1947)
584
585
586
587
588
589
590
591
592
593
X (1947)
X (1947)
X (1947)
X (1947)
X (1947)
X (1947)
594
595
596
597
598
599
X (1947)
X (1947)
X (1947)
X (1947)
X (1947)
X (1947)
X (1947)
X (1947)
X (1947)
600
601
602
603
604
605
606
607
613
?
?
?
?
?
?
?
?
?
end 4/
begin 3 c.
?
?
?
?
?
end 4/
begin 3 c.
?
?
?
350-300
?
?
?
?
350-300
inhum.
inhum.
S orientation
S orientation
S-E orientation
E orientation
child, no order
N-E orientation
N-E orientation
E orientation
N-E orientation
E orientation
N-E orientation
S-W orientation
W orientation
no order
E orientation
N-E orientation
no order
S-E orientation
E orientation
no order
N-E orientation
E orientation
N-E orientation
S-E orientation
N orientation
child, N-E
orientation
265
pag 187-268
01-02-2007
09:42
APOLLONIA PONTIKA
YEAR
No
Pagina 266
DATE BC
RIT.
?
end 4 c.
?
end 4/
begin 3 c.
end 4 c.
?
350-300
350-300
?
?
mid-4 c.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
X (1947)
X (1947)
X (1947)
X (1947)
614
615
616
617
XI (1948)
XI (1948)
XI (1948)
XI (1948)
XI (1948)
XI (1948)
XI (1948)
618
619
620
621
622
623
624
XI (1948)
XI (1948)
XI (1948)
625
626
627
XII (1949)
628
XII (1949)
629
?
?
end 4/
begin 3 c.
end 4/
begin 3 c.
350-300
XII (1949)
630
350-300
inhum.
XIII (1949)
634
inhum.
XIII (1949)
XIII (1949)
XIII (1949)
XIII (1949)
XIII (1949)
635
636
637
638
639
350-300
or
begin 3 c.
?
?
?
?
350-300
XIII (1949)
XIII (1949)
XIII (1949)
XIII (1949)
XIII (1949)
XIII (1949)
XIII (1949)
XIII (1949)
XIII (1949)
640
641
642
643
644
645
646
647
648
?
?
?
350-300
?
350-300
350-300
?
?
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
XIII (1949)
649
mid-4 c.
inhum.
XIV (1949)
XIV (1949)
XIV (1949)
XIV (1949)
650
651
655
656
?
?
begin 3 c.
350-300
inhum.
inhum.
ST+P
inhum.
XIV (1949)
XIV (1949)
XIV (1949)
XIV (1949)
XIV (1949)
657
658
659
660
661
begin 3 c.
?
400-350
?
?
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
XIV (1949)
XIV (1949)
XIV (1949)
662
663
667
350-300
?
?
inhum.
inhum.
T
266
inhum.
inhum.
T
inhum.
inhum.
P
inhum.
GIFTS
coin, bronze
/
ring, bronze
needle, bronze
bowl
COMMENT
E orientation
N-E orientation
E orientation
child, no order
E orientation
S-E orientation
E orientation
no order
N orientation
inhum.
T
inhum.
pr
/
pr
/
/
/
lekyt.
vessel with round bottom
/
/
lekyt.
inhum.
kanth.
N-W orientation
inhum.
2 lamps, terracotta
2 vessels with round bottom
oe
2 jugs
2 rings, bronze
body lacking
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
inhum.
/
/
/
/
lekyt.
bowl
/
/
/
head of a lamp, terracotta
/
a, glass
lekyt.
/
/
feeding bottle
askos
/
/
askos
2 alb. alab.
a
askos
ring, bronze
lekyt.
/
/
N orientation
N-E orientation
N-E orientation
N-E orientation
W orientation
no order
N-W orientation
W orientation
N-E orientation
E orientation
E orientation
N-E orientation
S-E orientation
N-E orientation
N orientation
N-E orientation
E orientation
E orientation
N-W orientation
N-W orientation,
no head
N-W orientation
N-E orientation
N-E orientation
S orientation
S-W orientation
N-E orientation
N-E orientation
N-E orientation
S-W orientation
child, N
orientation
3 coins, bronze (350-306 BC) N orientation
/
E orientation
diadem with bronze leafs
E orientation
and mall ceramical fruits
pag 187-268
01-02-2007
09:42
Pagina 267
APOLLONIA PONTIKA
YEAR
No
DATE BC
RIT.
XV (1949)
670
begin 3 c.
inhum.
XV (1949)
XV (1949)
672
673
?
end 4/
begin 3 c.
inhum.
ST
XV (1949)
674
end 4 c.
inhum.
XV (1949)
XV (1949)
XV (1949)
675
676
677
cremat.
A
inhum.
/
/
askos
XV (1949)
XV (1949)
678
679
?
?
end 4/
begin 3 c.
end 4 c.
end 4 c.
T
inhum.
XV (1949)
XV (1949)
XV (1949)
XV (1949)
680
681
682
683
?
?
?
?
inhum.
T
inhum.
inhum.
lekyt.
grey bowl
kanth.
/
/
/
/
XV (1949)
684
?
inhum.
/
XV (1949)
XV (1949)
XVI (1949)
685
686
768
?
?
begin 3 c.
inhum.
ST
T
a
GIFTS
strigilis, iron
beads, glass
ring, bronze
coin, bronze (350-306 BC)
/
pendant, tooth
of a bear
coin, bronze (350-306 BC)
pr
object, bronze
bowl
earring, bronze
coin, bronze (350-306 BC)
COMMENT
N-E orientation
N-E orientation
E orientation
E orienation,
ceramical
sarcophagus
W orientation
W orientation
N-E orientation
E orientation
W orientation
W orientation,
circle of stones
around the grave
W orientation,
wall of stones
around the grave
N orientation
Lieve Donnellan
Department of Archaeology and Ancient History of Europe
Section of Classical Archaeology
Ghent University
Blandijnberg 2
B-9000 Ghent
Belgium
lievedonnellan@yahoo.com
267
pag 187-268
01-02-2007
09:42
Pagina 268