Abstract
This chapter continues the examination of field practice, investigating the subjective experiences and encounters of ecologists, to re-situate ecological practice into the broader contexts of photography and natural history at the start of twentieth century. This section extends Chap. 5’s inquiry into the experiential and affective foundations of field science, grounding the investigation in shared experiences of collecting, exchange and photography, to re-connect ecology with these wider communities of field practice. Taking examples from Victorian and Edwardian natural history, and from the new ecology, the chapter places photographic exchanges alongside broader material practices in the collecting and exchange of natural history specimens. Through a discussion of amateur naturalists and their societies, the discussion explores subjective and social motivations for these forms of natural history practice. Through published accounts of field natural history, and examples of photographic practice, it explores the functions of collecting and exchange in relation to ecological field experience, placing photography within a broader economy of scientific knowledge and material culture. The role of material practices of display and exchange come to the fore here, alongside the performative and embodied character of natural history and ecological field science.
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Notes
- 1.
Rev. Alfred Thornley 1903. “Equipment of the Field Naturalist”, The Naturalist 1903: 117–120.
- 2.
See Pickstone 2000 for a broader account of different ‘ways of knowing’ in science, which encompass both descriptive and analytical, as well as experimental modes. Pickstone, somewhat confusingly (given the long history of an identifiable tradition with the same name) refers to the descriptive mode as natural history, reflecting a broader purview current in the mediaeval culture of natural knowledge, taking in descriptive accounts and classifications of all kinds of the world’s objects, not just the biological. Laboratory biology, in Pickstone’s terms, was a typical nineteenth century analytical science.
- 3.
Elton (1927: 1).
- 4.
Robert Kohler (2002a, ch.2) has reviewed the rise of the ‘new natural history’ in the USA in the first decade of the twentieth century. The connection was revived again in Britain the 1940s, when Collins the publishers began a long-running series of ecologically informed books under the title of the New Naturalist Library: A Survey of British Natural History (Marren 1995).
- 5.
Schwartz 2000 (2006: 74). Schwartz is here quoting Lady Elizabeth Eastlake, whose well-known commentary on “Photography” appeared anonymously in The Quarterly Review in 1857 (Eastlake, E. 1857. Photography. The Quarterly Review, 101, 442–468).
- 6.
Tucker (2005).
- 7.
Schwartz 2000 (2006: 66).
- 8.
It is a scholarly commonplace to regard such practices of collecting and display as expressions of regulated knowledge, developing in a tradition from the cabinet to the modern museum. See, for example, Impey and Macgregor (1985), Hooper-Greenhill (1992), Findlen (1994), Peter Bowler (1992: 251), Farber (2000: 13–14), Jan Golinski (2005: 95) and several authors collected by Bowler and Pickstone (2009), in the Cambridge History of Science, Vol. 6: The Modern Biological and Earth Sciences. Daston and Park (1998) offer an alternative history, suggesting that neither the Wunderkammer nor early museums were conceived as truly inclusive and ordered encyclopædias of objects. Rather they were intended to display disparate marvels and curiosities, to encourage a sense of wonder and speculation, often ordered “against the grain of familiar classifications.” From the eighteenth century onwards, however, naturalists in particular, began to make systematic collecting and taxonomic arrangement the organising principles for displays of natural objects.
- 9.
- 10.
Atkins (1843–1853).
- 11.
Seiberling and Bloore (1986: 60–62).
- 12.
Sir William Jackson Hooker (1785–1865) was Professor of Botany at Glasgow University from 1820, and Director of the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew from 1841 until his death in 1865. Talbot first sent a specimen of his photogenic drawings to Hooker in March 1839 (Hooker to Talbot, 20 Mar 1839) and continued to promote photography as a means of botanical record and illustration for the next 20 years. In December 1847, Talbot sought to persuade Hooker of the value of making photographs of botanical specimens whilst travelling abroad (Talbot to Hooker, 21 Dec 1847). Hooker was still unconvinced when Talbot sent him further examples in September 1859 (Hooker to Talbot, 11 Sep 1859).
- 13.
Seiberling and Bloore (1986: 16).
- 14.
“Notice to Members: Exchange of Positive Pictures,” Journal of the Photographic Society 1853: 10. The emphasis is in the original.
- 15.
Latour (1990).
- 16.
- 17.
David Allen’s (1976) extended study of the history of naturalists in Britain, now 40 years old, is still exceptional in its comprehensive purview of natural history practice, encompassing professional, amateur and popular. Though much cited by others, few have followed Allen’s example to look more closely at the role of popular science culture in the development of natural history and in the broader context of ‘science and society’.
Partial studies along these lines have been undertaken by Lowe (1976), Secord (1994a), Watkins et al. (2002), Phillips (2003), Withers and Finnegan (2003) and Finnegan (2005). More extended studies for particular geographic regions in Britain have been undertaken by Alberti (2000), Finnegan (2009) and Naylor (2010).
- 18.
Secord (1994a: 273).
- 19.
Allen (2009: 22).
- 20.
The figure of the explorer naturalist is so firmly established in popular understanding that the archives at Kew Botanic Gardens provide a research guide organised to help researchers find the ’Plant Hunters’ they are looking for. (Kew Gardens, Archives Research Guide: Sources for the History of Plant Hunters eighteenth to twentieth Centuries.) Exotic collecting, especially in tropical regions, has continued more or less unabated since the nineteenth century. Susanne Renner (1993), for example, has catalogued a total of 205 botanical collectors, working in Amazonian Ecuador alone, between 1739 and 1988.
- 21.
Sir Hans Sloane (1660–1753) provides the best known example, whose huge collections formed the establishing basis for the British Museum.
- 22.
- 23.
Salmon (2000: 183–184).
- 24.
See especially David Allen (1976), for a comprehensive history of naturalists in Britain and, more specifically, Allen (1986) on the history of the Botanical Society of the British Isles. See also Salmon 2000 for an account of entomological societies and collecting. Sam Alberti (2000) provides a valuable account of natural history societies in nineteenth century Yorkshire. Ann Secord (1994a) has also documented the activities of provincial botanists’ informal association in the pub. Diarmid Finnegan (2009) has documented the natural history as civic science in Victorian Scotland, and Simon Naylor (2010) has documented the history of a Cornish society and its place in regional and national Victorian science.
- 25.
- 26.
- 27.
Fletcher and Brown (1970: 233). See for example, papers by Balfour (Bayley Balfour 1913a, b) on the morphology of Primula species. Adam also took on the role of illustrator for the Botanical Society of Edinburgh and was secretary and treasurer for many years to the Alpine Botanical Club, a select group within the Botanical Society that met each year (almost every year of its 90 year lifespan) for a montane excursion to the Scottish highlands and elsewhere (Matthews 1968).
- 28.
Matthews (1968). Adam’s collection was acquired in 1958 by the Scots Magazine, when it was estimated to include about 15,000 plates and 60,000 prints.
- 29.
Jackson (1998). Adam’s registers and negative envelopes still survive and are held at St. Andrews University Library, which acquired the collection in 1987.
- 30.
Regular publication of his photographs in the Scots Magazine, between 1944 and 1947, and in other magazines, made Adam a household name in Scotland (Matthews 1968). From the 1930s, topographical writers in particular began to seek out Adam’s photographs; botanists and ecologists concerned with the Scottish flora and landscape began to use his pictures after they became more widely known. (Jackson 1998; Padget 2010: 157). Nevertheless, Adam’s published photographs were limited to occasional plates illustrating papers by others, in particular in the transactions of the Botanical Society of Edinburgh, and in his own contributions as secretary of the Alpine Botanical Club. He published only one book of his photographs (Adam 1948).
- 31.
But see Adam’s interview with Jeremy Bruce-Watt 1958, Photographer of the Hightops in Scotland’s Magazine February 1958, pp. 28–33.
- 32.
For the general context of exchanges, and the early development of photographic societies and dedicated exchange clubs in the mid-century, see especially Seiberling and Bloore (1986) and Taylor (2007). The Photographic Society encompassed the more exclusive grouping of the Photographic Society Club (sometimes also called the Photographic Club). Jens Jäger has listed 35 new photographic societies founded between 1852 and 1861 (Taylor 2004: 259 n. 32; Taylor 2007: 60). Similar beginnings were also made in photographic associations elsewhere in Europe and America; these included Societé Heliographique in France (1851) and its quick successor the Societé Française de Photographie in Paris (1853); the United States’ first examples were the American Photographic Society (1859), and the Photographic Society of Philadelphia (1862) (Becky Simmons in Hannavy 2008: 31–35)
- 33.
The number of Yorkshire photographic societies here is taken from the First Report of the Geological Photographic Committee of the Yorkshire Naturalists’ Union by James Bedford. The Naturalist (1891: 69).
- 34.
Pritchard 2012. These figures do not include postal groups, nor do the estimates of numbers include professional photographers, casual amateurs or ’snapshotters’ (as Pritchard calls them) which, by this time were numbered in millions. By the end of the 1890s, the British Journal of Photography Photographic Almanac listed over 250 photographic societies and clubs in Britain (BJP Almanac 1898: 574–608).
- 35.
(BJP 1896: 249–50). The numbers of exhibitions inevitably varied from year to year, with notices for 16 in 1889, 30 in 1893 and 40 in 1911;, but the BJP notices almost certainly covered only a small proportion of the smaller provincial society exhibitions.
- 36.
Edwards (1996, 2006). Displays of photography in the celebrated, mid-century international exhibitions—the Great Exhibition of 1851, and the Great International Exhibition of 1862—were merely the most prominent examples of what became a commonplace practice amongst photographers, amateur and professional alike, by the end of the century. Following its founding in 1853, the Photographic Society (subsequently the Royal Photographic Society) held annual exhibitions from 1854. Many of the new societies were dedicated to photographic exhibitions, with early shows in Edinburgh, then Manchester, Norwich, Birmingham, Glasgow and increasingly elsewhere. Steve Edwards (1996, 2006) has provided exhaustive accounts of the role of photography in the two Great Exhibitions; Seiberling and Bloore (1986) discuss in some detail the regular exhibitions held by the Photographic Society in the 1850s. A comprehensive listing of 48 Photographic Exhibitions in Britain 1839–1865, and their exhibits, can be found in an online database, hosted by De Montfort University at http://peib.dmu.ac.uk. Similarly, catalogue records for over 45,000 exhibits shown in the annual Exhibitions of the Royal Photographic Society 1870–1915, are provided in a searchable database, together with digitized images of catalogue pages and some of the photographs displayed, at http://erps.dmu.ac.uk.
- 37.
Edwards, S. (2008b: 1305).
- 38.
Seiberling and Bloore (1986: 47). (Diamond, ‘Report of Jurors,’ Photographic Journal 1864: 339–46). Diamond was a member of the Calotype Society, a founding member and dominant figure in the Photographic Society (and its journal editor), the Photographic Society Club and the Photographic Exchange Club. (Tucker 2005).
- 39.
Emerson (1889: 11–12).
- 40.
Edwards (2012).
- 41.
Edwards (2001: 27).
- 42.
Edwards (2009, 2012: 6–8). Edwards has also observed that the survey movement shared many of its photographic values—truth to nature, observational accuracy and print quality—with certain strands of pictorialism that were especially prominent in the 1890s and 1900s (Edwards 2012: 85–6). She also provides numerous examples of exhibitions dedicated wholly or partly to survey photography, including regular exhibitions by the Warwickshire Survey in Birmingham from 1892, in Nottinghamshire in 1897, Norwich Norfolk in 1913, exhibitions of survey groups in Surrey, Sussex and Kent, and major exhibitions at Crystal Palace and the South Kensington Museum (now the Victoria and Albert Museum), among many others. Individual survey photographers also contributed to major national and international exhibitions. (Edwards 2012: 40; 92; 94; 230 et seq).
- 43.
Seiberling and Bloore (1986: 61).
- 44.
Edwards (2012: 45, 88, 103). Edwards lists 8 surveys instigated by natural history related societies. Four of these were combined natural history and archaeological or antiquarian societies (Dorchester, Hertfordshire, Somerset and Wiltshire), Huddersfield was a combined natural history and photographic society; Chester and Northamptonshire were solely dedicated to natural history, whilst Essex was a field club. (Edwards 2012: 263–266).
- 45.
The Naturalist (1891: 69 et seq).
- 46.
- 47.
Seiberling and Bloore (1986: 60–62); 134. For some, such as George Shadbolt and John Dillwyn Llewelyn, natural history and its related pursuits (for Shadbolt, especially microscopy) held a particular interest.
- 48.
Early scientific images were often exemplars of new photographic processes, such as platinotypes, first shown in 1879, and x-ray photography in the late 1890s, but also soon included photographs made in the course of other scientific work.
- 49.
The subdivisions varied slightly but were listed in 1925 in the following way: A. Natural history; B. Photomicrographs; C. Radiographs; D. Astronomical, Aerial and Spectrum photographs; E. Stereoscopic work; F. Scientific colour work; G. Technical applications of photography; K. Kinematography. Illustrated Catalogues prepared for the Annual Exhibitions of the Royal Photographic Society appeared in the Society’s Photographic Journal. The journal volumes from 1853–2012, are available online from the Royal Photographic Society at www.rps.org/journal-archive. Digitised catalogues for the RPS Annual Exhibitions between 1870–1915 are also available at http://erps.dmu.ac.uk/.
- 50.
Secord (1994a, b). Other naturalists’ societies, especially field clubs, shared similar origins and practices, and many drew membership principally from workers and tradesmen of modest means. The Huddersfield Naturalists’ Society had its first origins in a meeting in the pub, although it moved quickly into a schoolroom for subsequent meetings. (First Minute of the Huddersfield Naturalists’ Society, reproduced in Charlesworth and Ellis 1968.) See also Salmon 2000 on the early history of entomological societies in Britain.
- 51.
Salmon (2000: 39).
- 52.
Porritt, G.T. 1883, “Obituary—James Varley”. The Naturalist, 8: 110. George Porritt, a later President of the Huddersfield Naturalists’ Society and of the Yorkshire Naturalist’ Union, recalled taking specimens to Varley for ‘naming’, as a trepidatious boy, and received a half-dozen Emperor moth larvae in return. Mosley, a local weaver and joiner, was an expert in stuffing and mounting birds for display. He was also Varley’s near neighbour in Almondbury Bank where his small house was crammed with cased collections of birds and insects, and where he regularly received viewing visitors, mostly working men, but also more affluent callers who paid him for his taxidermy and casing skills (Brooke 2012: 184–189).
- 53.
It is particularly striking how frequently the activities of naturalists, photographers, and the many others engaged in similar unpaid endeavours, were referred to as ‘work’—a frequency which provides strong support for the characterisation of such activities in terms of ‘rational recreation’. But see also the following section for a discussion of the partial explanatory force ’rational recreation’ for understanding amateur practice in such spheres of activity.
- 54.
See Alberti (2003) for a fuller discussion.
- 55.
It is interesting to note that Lomax chose to record not the objects themselves but their exhibition. The photograph was to record the act of display itself, registering a personal achievement and also a commercial interest. In early 1906, and with the support of a number of academic palaeobotanists, Lomax had launched the Lomax Palaeobotanical Company, dedicated to “the collection and preparation of fossil plants, both impressions and petrifactions, and their distribution for study and teaching purposes” (Howell 2005: 145). However, the Yorkshire Naturalists’ Union (YNU) clearly shared Lomax’s interest in promoting this kind of display and carried a full-page reproduction of the photograph in its journal The Naturalist (1906: 347).
- 56.
- 57.
Endersby (2008: 54).
- 58.
A small number of societies restricted themselves to field meetings, with no scheduled evening meetings or more formal gatherings. The Berwickshire Naturalists’ club, for example, had no programme of indoor meetings, restricting itself to field activities. But even in these cases, like the working-class ‘artisan botanists’ described by Ann Secord (1994a), fieldwork was supplemented by social gatherings in a local public house. The Berwick naturalists commonly began the field-day with breakfast in the pub, ending again in the pub for dinner. Evening socializing invariably included discussions of the day’s naturalizing and its more interesting finds, as well as occasional short papers on matters of interest to those gathered. (Britten 1873: 39; Allen 1976: 145–146)
- 59.
Alberti (2003).
- 60.
Allen (1976: 142).
- 61.
Allen (1976: 155).
- 62.
Secord (1994a), Alberti (2000, 2002), Finnegan (2005, 2009), Gouyon (2011) and others have applied the concept to various aspects of Victorian natural history practice in Britain; Denise Phillips (2003) has considered similar social foundations for regional natural history practice in nineteenth century in Germany. Simon Naylor (2010: 39–59) has provided a detailed commentary on the ‘rational’ aspects of nineteenth century Cornish civic science, including natural history. Jennifer Tucker (1996, 2005: 81) has incorporated ‘rational recreation’ into her accounts of nineteenth century science and spectacle, whilst the idea of ‘rational recreation’ also underpins Kuklick and Kohler’s notion of an epistemological touchstone for field science (Kuklick and Kohler 1996: 6). The fullest, and most widely cited exposition of ‘rational recreation’ is still that given by Bailey (1978). Huggins and Mangan (2004) have sought to broaden the context to reflect a more pluralistic reality in Victorian leisure, but their critique relies heavily on the same basic premise of ‘rational recreation’.
- 63.
The notion of a unitary bourgeois Victorian conception for civic society has itself come under question by some scholars. See, for example, Griffiths (2011).
- 64.
Withers and Finnegan (2003: 346).
- 65.
Finnegan (2005).
- 66.
Secord (2002: 32).
- 67.
Finnegan (2005: 56).
- 68.
Phillips (2003: 59).
- 69.
Edwards (2012a) CAH: 63, 73, 75.
- 70.
Edwards (2012b)—Objects of Affect: 221.
- 71.
The explanatory competence of ‘rational recreation’ has also been questioned by others in relation to other aspects of Victorian leisure. Alan Metcalfe (2006) has focussed on working-class life—and sport in particular—in the north-east of England. Mike Huggins and J.A. Mangan (2004) have reflected my own caution regarding too easy an acceptance of the contemporary discourses of ‘rational recreation’.
- 72.
- 73.
Cooke, M.C. 1866. Hardwicke’s Science-Gossip for 1865: 2. Hardwicke’s Science-Gossip was a popular magazine, subtitled An Illustrated Medium of Interchange and Gossip for Students and Lovers of Nature. It was essentially a scientific counterpart to the more literary Notes and Queries. (Nature 3, 304. 16 Feb. 1871)
- 74.
Cooke, M.C. 1866. Hardwicke’s Science-Gossip for 1865: 2.
- 75.
Charles Darwin, Life and Letters 1877. Vol. 1: 28.
- 76.
Wallace (1869): The Malay Archipelago 2, 51.
- 77.
Porritt (1900: 98). Porritt’s paper was an amplified form of an earlier address as president of the Huddersfield Naturalists’ and Photographic Society in 1898.
- 78.
Taylor (1876).
- 79.
Rev. W.C. Hey. “Some Word-Pictures Taken from Nature” The Naturalist 1891: 215–218.
- 80.
Sheppard, Thomas, 1903. “Yorkshire Naturalists at Filey 30th May–1st June 1903. The Naturalist (1903: 241, 243).
- 81.
Farrah, John, 1903. “The Flowering Plants of Bowes”. The Naturalist 1903: 359–369.
- 82.
Phillips (2003: 59).
- 83.
Edwards 2013. The Amateur Excursion, http://eitherand.org/reconsidering-amateur-photography/amateur-excursion-and-sociable-production-photogra/ Accessed 24 April 2016.
- 84.
Edwards (2014b). Out and About: 180.
- 85.
Edwards (2014b). Out and About: 179–180.
- 86.
Schwartz 2000 (2006): 76.
- 87.
Rev. Alfred Thornley 1903. “Equipment of the Field Naturalist”, The Naturalist 1903: 117–120. The term ‘bionomics’ was in currency among some British biologists for much of the first half of the twentieth century but has since been superseded by the more widely accepted term ‘ecology.’
- 88.
Thomas Dallmeyer had already made a special naturalist’s camera and, in 1891, had introduced the first telephoto lens.
- 89.
Rudwick (2005: 76).
- 90.
I have borrowed here from the phrase ‘proxy pictures’, used by Rudwick (2005: 75–76) to describe pictorial illustrations which “served effectively as proxies—standing in for the real thing…making that experience convincing to others and thereby converting them into virtual witnesses.”
- 91.
Lamont (1914).
- 92.
Bahr, P.H. (1908). The flight of ornithologists from the gun to the camera was a common theme. Many declared their newfound preference for photography over shooting when presenting their work to others. Noted Yorkshire ornithologist Riley Fortune, for example, declared to his audience of Huddersfield Naturalists in 1903 that studying ‘Bird Life from a Photographic Tent’ had completely killed his love for a gun. (HNPS Annual Report 1919–20, Huddersfield Local Studies Library).
- 93.
Bahr, P.H. (1908: 18, 21, 43).
- 94.
Bahr, P.H. (1908: 40).
- 95.
Hudson (1913: 41–42).
- 96.
Turner (1907).
- 97.
Turner (1907: 65).
- 98.
Kearton (1898: viii).
- 99.
Attenborough is just one of the many honoured by the Royal Geographical Society, with its Cherry Kearton Medal and Award, for travellers “concerned with the study or practice of natural history, with a preference for those with an interest in nature photography, art or cinematography”. RGS List of Medals and Awards 2011.
- 100.
Kearton (1898: vii–viii).
- 101.
Kearton and Kearton (1898: vii–viii).
- 102.
Kearton (1898: ix).
- 103.
Kearton and Kearton (1898: 66).
- 104.
Kearton (1898: viii–ix).
- 105.
Tucker (2005: 12).
- 106.
Sontag (1977: 4).
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Hughes, D. (2022). Taking to the Field: Exchanging Objects/Exchanging Views. In: Picturing Ecology. Palgrave Macmillan, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-2515-3_6
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